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The Clashes in Beirut: Is the Bush Administration Stirring the Pot?

by LYSANDRA OHRSTROM (reposted)
The last time Hezbollah shut down the city of Beirut in January 2007 it was not an act of war. I was living there reporting for the English-Language daily newspaper the Daily Star.
Last night when I went to sleep in Brooklyn, after reading (the meager English-language) reports of "clashes" in the capital, I assumed this violence was not much different than last year's. There were images of men holding pieces of bread and placards near piles of smoldering rubber and garbage. I got the usual warning from the US Embassy to steer clear of large public gatherings a couple of days ago.

I woke up to e-mails from friends in Lebanon and news that the violence had gotten worse.

One e-mail said: "We're hearing gunfire everywhere in the streets..It's not fun or funny."

What began as a labor union protest--enforced by Hezbollah--to raise the minimum wage became what another friend called "an existential battle" for the party.

Rumored to be at US urging, on Tuesday Prime Minister Fouad Siniora threatened to have Lebanese Army troops shut down a telephone network operated by Hezbollah in South Lebanon and the Southern suburbs of Beirut. They also sacked an airport official tied to Hezbollah and accused the group of spying on the government through secret security cameras in the airport.

"Touching their phone network is tantamount to touching their weapons and they have to make that clear...They have to show their strength and to prove that they can't be pushed around," my friend wrote.

Hezbollah Secretary General Said Hassan Nasrallah must have agreed.

"This decision was a declaration of war and the start of war on the resistance and its weapons," he said at a press conference today.

"Our response to this decision is that whoever declares or starts a war, be it a brother or a father, then it is our right to defend ourselves and our existence."

Like a lot of things Hezbollah does, the de-facto travel embargo they imposed on the capital 18 months ago, as well as yesterday's, reflect the total powerlessness of the state and the party's own political opportunism.

Last year a source of mine from Hezbollah, Ali, called me the day before the demonstrations to warn me not to go into certain areas--he did not need to specify that he meant the mixed Sunni-Shiite neighborhoods South of Sodeco Square, on the edge of Achrafieh--the Christian district that is the Beirut's equivalent to the Upper East Side. Earlier today I watched a CNN correspondent tell viewers that Sodeco is a likely flashpoint for violence to occur if it were to. This is where Hizbollah set up the first barricade to block the road to the airport about 18 months ago.

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§A dangerous strategy
by UK Guardian (reposted)
Once again, the Bush administration is playing a dangerous game in the Levant without realising either the potential long-term costs of its gamble - human and strategic - or the possibility of a more intelligent alternative.

The most recent gamble in Lebanon, of course, was to encourage - some say demand - that Israel pursue its broadly destructive 33-day war against Hizbullah (and Lebanon) in July 2006. That move failed spectacularly on several fronts - all the more so since, as the first Winograd report noted, a far more sensible alternative to open war existed that would have focused on coordinating overwhelming diplomatic pressure on Hizbullah itself and targeted military strikes over time, as well as the use of internal Lebanese dynamics, to slowly collapse Hizbullah's long-term rationale for bearing arms independent of the state.

Months later, the Bush administration set another dangerous strategy in motion that its local proxies were similarly not prepared for: the violent overthrow of Hamas in Gaza by a militia linked to former Gaza strongman Mohammed Dahlan.

Now, Lebanon is again front and centre on the chessboard, with a concerted decision by the alliance of pro-US parties (the March 14 group) to use what remains of "state power" to directly challenge Hizbullah on the core issue of its independent military power. The challenge, which came following a series of meetings between March 14 leaders and US officials, is being posed primarily as an issue about Hizbullah's long-acknowledged and tacitly-accepted private communications network. But as Hizbullah leader Sayyed Hassan Nasrallah made clear yesterday, and as March 14 leaders know all too well - the party's telecom system is at the heart of its military strategy. Indeed, it was the main reason why Hizbullah was able to maintain an unprecedented level of coordination during the 2006 war, despite the most sophisticated countering efforts by the Israelis.

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