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A reincarnation of the Baghdad Pact
The Iraqi government of Prime Minister Nuri Al-Maliki has completed the first phase of negotiations with the US over the long-term strategic agreement that will govern relations between the occupying power and occupied Iraq for decades to come. It will be supplemented by a "status of forces" agreement outlining the privileges and immunities of the 50,000-strong US military force that will be stationed in Iraq well beyond the formal withdrawal of the occupation army. Iraq will thus be incorporated into the "Axis of the Good" that includes the six members of the Gulf Cooperation Council where the US has developed and maintains sprawling military bases and other facilities, encircling Iran and controlling the southern entrance to the Straits of Hormuz. Fifty years after the demise of the Baghdad Pact (1955-1958) the military alliance has not only been reborn, but is more expansive, with US Central Command at the helm and Iran replacing the former Soviet Union as the adversary.
In 1955, when the Cold War and the nuclear arms race between the former Soviet Union and the US had reached fever pitch, the Arab world was also undergoing deep transformation triggered by the Nasser-led 1952 Egyptian revolution. Egypt's emerging role as a beacon of national liberation in the Arab region and in Africa was coveted by both superpowers though for different reasons. The Soviet Union, reversing the old-era Stalinist approach, wanted to embrace Third World revolutionary movements as a bulwark against the old imperial and colonial powers. The US secretary of state at the time, John Foster Dulles, was obsessed with the idea of blocking Communist expansion towards the Middle East which occupied strategic routes, waterways, and possessed burgeoning oil wealth.
The Baghdad Pact sought to build a military alliance comprising the US, Turkey, Iraq, Iran and Pakistan, setting a wall against the Soviet Union at both the southern tip of NATO (Turkey) and the northern tier of the Western alliance (Pakistan). The strategy did not sit well with Nasser. He was interested in playing both sides of the street, capitalising on the approaches of the two superpowers. His ultimate aim was to build on his concept of Pan Arabism as his power-base for the revival of Arab cohesion under his leadership. Nasser not only refused to join the pact but attacked it repeatedly as an attempt by old imperial powers (Britain later joined the US in the alliance) to sneak back into the Arab world and dominate it. Nasser fired up Arab sentiment against the Baghdad Pact which he considered the antithesis to his Pan Arabism ambitions. Three years later the pact collapsed and was buried under the 1958 leftist- leaning Iraqi military revolution of Abdul-Karim Kassem, which toppled the monarchy and dragged the mutilated bodies of its symbols through the streets of Baghdad.
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The Baghdad Pact sought to build a military alliance comprising the US, Turkey, Iraq, Iran and Pakistan, setting a wall against the Soviet Union at both the southern tip of NATO (Turkey) and the northern tier of the Western alliance (Pakistan). The strategy did not sit well with Nasser. He was interested in playing both sides of the street, capitalising on the approaches of the two superpowers. His ultimate aim was to build on his concept of Pan Arabism as his power-base for the revival of Arab cohesion under his leadership. Nasser not only refused to join the pact but attacked it repeatedly as an attempt by old imperial powers (Britain later joined the US in the alliance) to sneak back into the Arab world and dominate it. Nasser fired up Arab sentiment against the Baghdad Pact which he considered the antithesis to his Pan Arabism ambitions. Three years later the pact collapsed and was buried under the 1958 leftist- leaning Iraqi military revolution of Abdul-Karim Kassem, which toppled the monarchy and dragged the mutilated bodies of its symbols through the streets of Baghdad.
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For more information:
http://weekly.ahram.org.eg/2008/894/op5.htm
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The conjunction between limited instruments and chronological depth allows EU policy to include intricate and reasoned analyses of the issues affecting Arab societies. Those that have had the fortune to glimpse the process up close cannot help but admire the wealth and energy of European academic discourse. Over the past two weeks I had the opportunity to interview officials from the European Commission and the British, French and German foreign ministries on their views on reform, democratisation and sustainable development in the Arab world. The interviews shed considerable light on the focal points of, and attitudes behind, their approach.
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