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Election recommendations from the Green Party
There will be a number of close races in Alameda County and San Francisco tomorrow. Here are voting recommendations from the local Green Parties.
Alameda County Greens, please see: http://www.acgreens.org
(Includes Oakland Mayor, 1-Ron Dellums, 2-Nancy Nadel; Oakland City Council, #2, Aimee Allison; Oakland School Board, #6, Chris Dobbins; Measure A, Yes).
http://sfgreenparty.org/campaigns/campaigns.gem
SAN FRANCISCO—Concluding more than two months of questionnaires, forums and deliberations, the San Francisco Green Party (SFGP) announces the following endorsements:
Congressional District 8: Krissy Keefer http://www.krissyforcongress.com/
State Assembly District 12: Barry Hermanson http://www.barryhermanson.org/
Proposition A: Yes
Proposition B: Yes
Proposition C: Yes
Proposition D: No Position
Superior Court Judge: Eric Safire http://www.safireforjudge.org/
Proposition 81: Yes
Proposition 82: Yes
Lt. Governor: Donna Warren http://www.donnawarren.com/
Controller: Laura Wells http://www.laurawells.org/
Treasurer: Mehul Thakker http://www.votethakker.com/
Secretary of State: Forrest Hill http://www.voteforrest.org/
Attorney General: Mike Wyman http://votewyman.org/
SF Green Party Statement on Senate Candiates
The Green Party of California has a contested primary in the race for US Senate. While our three candidates have similar positions on the issues, they differ in their backgrounds and proposed campaign strategies. Rather than endorsing a single candidate, the SF Green Party is providing the following brief summary in order to help voters in the Green primary choose which of the three they prefer as our candidate in the November election. The candidates are listed in a randomly chosen order:
Tian Harter (http://tianharter.org/) is known among Greens for his 1-minute speech on climate change, accompanied by his "Mend Your Fuelish Ways" bumper stickers. He has been registered Green since 1991. If he wins the primary, he will participate in local Green campaigns and educate voters about climate change and the end of cheap oil.
Todd Chretien (http://www.todd4senate.org/) is well known for his activism with the International Socialist Organization, and has been registered Green since 2004. He has raised over $30,000 and plans to aggressively raise money to run a highly visible campaign as part of the "Million Votes for Peace" slate.
Kent Mesplay (http://www.mesplay.org/) ran for President in 2004 in the Green Party primary as an alternative to both David Cobb and Ralph Nader. He has been registered Green since 1995, and has raised over $1000 for his campaign to date. The main goals of his campaign will be to increase voter registration and promote Green issues.
All three candidates have accepted an invitation to speak at our forum at Studio Z on May 24 (314 11th St @ Folsom, starting at 7 PM).
Also endorsed:
Oakland City Council District 2: Aimee Alison http://www.aimeeallison.org/
Congressional District 14: Carol Brouillet (http://www.carolforcongress.org/)District 14 includes most of the Peninsula.
For more information:
http://sfgreenparty.org/campaigns/campaign...
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“We believe that we need an organization of people who are committed to the end-goal of socialism. And we believe that you have to group those people together who are committed to that end-goal in an organization that can act together, because the forces against that end-goal are so great. You have to come together and try to coordinate yourselves in more than simply a loose-knit way.”
Todd Chretien
Interview with Todd Chretien
“Where does the ISO fit on the landscape of the contemporary US Left?”
http://bad.eserver.org/issues/2004/65/chretien.html
The ultra-centralism asked by Lenin is full of the sterile spirit of the overseer. It is not a positive and creative spirit. Lenin’s concern is not so much to make the activity of the party more fruitful as to control the party -- to narrow the movement rather than to develop it, to bind rather than to unify it.
--Rosa Luxemburg
"Leninism or Marxism?"
http://libcom.org/library/LeninismMarxismRosaLuxemburg1
“In terms of the organized Left, we think there are a few very important things coming up. One is the 2004 elections...”
Todd Chretien
Interview with Todd Chretien
“Where does the ISO fit on the landscape of the contemporary US Left?”
http://bad.eserver.org/issues/2004/65/chretien.html
The historical moment when Bolshevism triumphed _for itself_ in Russia and when social-democracy fought victoriously _for the old world_ marks the inauguration of the state of affairs which is at the heart of the domination of the modern spectacle: the _representation of the working class_ radically opposes itself to the working class.
Guy Debord
_Society of the Spectacle_
http://library.nothingness.org/articles/SI/en/display/20
“...the Bolsheviks... granted land reform to tens of millions of peasants, and established democratic workers’ control over industry.”
Todd Chretien
“Classics of Marxism: The Revolution Betrayed”
http://www.isreview.org/issues/36/rev_betrayed.shtml
November 3
Publication in Pravda of Lenin's 'Draft Decree on Workers' Control'. (51) This provided for the "introduction of workers' control of the production, warehousing, purchase and sale of all products and raw materials in all industrial, commercial, banking, agricultural and other enterprises employing a total of not less than five workers and employees - or with a turnover of not less than 10,000 rubles per annum".
Workers' control was to be "carried out by all the workers and employees in a given enterprise, either directly if the enterprise is small enough to permit it, or through delegates to be immediately elected at mass meetings. Elected delegates were to 'have access to all books and documents and to all warehouses and stocks of material, instruments and products, without exception".
These excellent, and often quoted, provisions in fact only listed and legalised what had already been achieved and implemented in many places by the working class in the course of the struggles of the previous months. They were to be followed by three further provisions, of ominous import. It is amazing that these are not better known. In practice they were soon to nullify the positive features of the previous provisions. They stipulated (point 5) that "the decisions of the elected delegates of the workers and employees were legally binding upon the owners of enterprises but that they could be "annulled by trade unions and congresses" (our emphasis). This was exactly the fate that was to befall the decisions of the elected delegates of the workers and employees: the trade unions proved to be the main medium through which the Bolsheviks sought to break the autonomous power of the Factory Committees.
The Draft Decree also stressed (point 6) that "in all enterprises of state importance" all delegates elected to exercise workers' control were to be "answerable to the State for the maintenance of the strictest order and discipline and for the protection of property". Enterprises "of importance to the State" were defined (point 7) - and this has a familiar tone for all revolutionaries - as "all enterprises working for defence purposes, or in any way connected with the production of articles necessary for the existence of the masses of the population" (our emphasis). In other words practically any enterprise could be declared by the new Russian State as "of importance to the State". The delegates from such an enterprise (elected to exercise workers' control) were now made answerable to a higher authority. Moreover if the trade unions (already fairly bureaucratised) could 'annul' the decisions of rank-and-file delegates, what real power in production had the rank-and-file? The Decree on Workers' Control was soon proved, in practice, not to be worth the paper it was written on. *
Maurice Brinton
_The Bolsheviks and Workers’ Control_
http://www.spunk.org/texts/places/russia/sp001861/1917.html
Todd Chretien
Interview with Todd Chretien
“Where does the ISO fit on the landscape of the contemporary US Left?”
http://bad.eserver.org/issues/2004/65/chretien.html
The ultra-centralism asked by Lenin is full of the sterile spirit of the overseer. It is not a positive and creative spirit. Lenin’s concern is not so much to make the activity of the party more fruitful as to control the party -- to narrow the movement rather than to develop it, to bind rather than to unify it.
--Rosa Luxemburg
"Leninism or Marxism?"
http://libcom.org/library/LeninismMarxismRosaLuxemburg1
“In terms of the organized Left, we think there are a few very important things coming up. One is the 2004 elections...”
Todd Chretien
Interview with Todd Chretien
“Where does the ISO fit on the landscape of the contemporary US Left?”
http://bad.eserver.org/issues/2004/65/chretien.html
The historical moment when Bolshevism triumphed _for itself_ in Russia and when social-democracy fought victoriously _for the old world_ marks the inauguration of the state of affairs which is at the heart of the domination of the modern spectacle: the _representation of the working class_ radically opposes itself to the working class.
Guy Debord
_Society of the Spectacle_
http://library.nothingness.org/articles/SI/en/display/20
“...the Bolsheviks... granted land reform to tens of millions of peasants, and established democratic workers’ control over industry.”
Todd Chretien
“Classics of Marxism: The Revolution Betrayed”
http://www.isreview.org/issues/36/rev_betrayed.shtml
November 3
Publication in Pravda of Lenin's 'Draft Decree on Workers' Control'. (51) This provided for the "introduction of workers' control of the production, warehousing, purchase and sale of all products and raw materials in all industrial, commercial, banking, agricultural and other enterprises employing a total of not less than five workers and employees - or with a turnover of not less than 10,000 rubles per annum".
Workers' control was to be "carried out by all the workers and employees in a given enterprise, either directly if the enterprise is small enough to permit it, or through delegates to be immediately elected at mass meetings. Elected delegates were to 'have access to all books and documents and to all warehouses and stocks of material, instruments and products, without exception".
These excellent, and often quoted, provisions in fact only listed and legalised what had already been achieved and implemented in many places by the working class in the course of the struggles of the previous months. They were to be followed by three further provisions, of ominous import. It is amazing that these are not better known. In practice they were soon to nullify the positive features of the previous provisions. They stipulated (point 5) that "the decisions of the elected delegates of the workers and employees were legally binding upon the owners of enterprises but that they could be "annulled by trade unions and congresses" (our emphasis). This was exactly the fate that was to befall the decisions of the elected delegates of the workers and employees: the trade unions proved to be the main medium through which the Bolsheviks sought to break the autonomous power of the Factory Committees.
The Draft Decree also stressed (point 6) that "in all enterprises of state importance" all delegates elected to exercise workers' control were to be "answerable to the State for the maintenance of the strictest order and discipline and for the protection of property". Enterprises "of importance to the State" were defined (point 7) - and this has a familiar tone for all revolutionaries - as "all enterprises working for defence purposes, or in any way connected with the production of articles necessary for the existence of the masses of the population" (our emphasis). In other words practically any enterprise could be declared by the new Russian State as "of importance to the State". The delegates from such an enterprise (elected to exercise workers' control) were now made answerable to a higher authority. Moreover if the trade unions (already fairly bureaucratised) could 'annul' the decisions of rank-and-file delegates, what real power in production had the rank-and-file? The Decree on Workers' Control was soon proved, in practice, not to be worth the paper it was written on. *
Maurice Brinton
_The Bolsheviks and Workers’ Control_
http://www.spunk.org/texts/places/russia/sp001861/1917.html
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