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Mapping the Israeli elections

by Al-Ahram Weekly (reposted)
With only 12 days before the Israeli elections, Graham Usher looks at the runners and riders
Two weeks before the elections Israel's political map has crystallised into five main blocs. A nationalist centre, represented by Ariel Sharon's Kadima Party; a nationalist right, represented by Likud and pro-settler coalitions like the National Union/National Religious Party (NU-NRP); the Zionist left, represented by Amir Peretz's Labour Party and Meretz; orthodox religious parties like the Sephardi Shas movement and the Ashkenazi United Torah Judaism (UTJ) coalition; and the anti-Zionist Arab parties.

It remains to be seen what alignments between the parties will emerge after the elections to form the next Israeli government. It is clear what divides them. As always in Israeli politics the fundamental fissure is not over social, economic or cultural policies, though these play a part. It is over the national struggle with the Palestinians and the fate of the occupied territories.

KADIMA, THE NATIONALIST CENTRE: Formed by Sharon late last year Kadima has vowed to remain true to his legacy. This boils down to two alleged imperatives: the need to determine Israel's permanent borders to preserve its character as "a Jewish and democratic" state; and, if necessary, to do so unilaterally in the absence of a "Palestinian partner", a veto that was applied to Yasser Arafat in the past, President Mahmoud Abbas currently and a Hamas-led Palestinian Authority government in the future.

...

LIKUD, THE NATIONALIST RIGHT: Likud is still reeling from its opposition to the Gaza disengagement and the defection of many of its main figures (Olmert, Mofaz, Tipsi Livni) to the ranks of Kadima. Nor is it helped by the historical animus between its leader Binyamin Netanyahu and Sharon, especially when the Israeli prime minister is still lying comatose in a West Jerusalem hospital.

...

LABOUR AND MERETZ, THE ZIONIST LEFT: Palestinian hopes were raised when Amir Peretz won the Labour Party leadership last November. This was not only because for first time Labour had chosen a working class activist of Moroccan background as chairman. It was also to do with Peretz's track record on peace: he had been a supporter of the Oslo process, a signatory to the virtual Geneva Accords peace agreement and a founder of Israel's premier human rights organisation in the occupied territories, Btselem.

...

THE ORTHODOX PARTIES: Shas and the UTJ are expected to win 15 seats between them. The UTJ will join any government that preserves its control over religious institutions and schools. Shas was and is violently opposed to Netanyahu's neo-liberal economics, which hurt its Sephardi working class base. But it could easily join a government led by Olmert. It is agnostic about further West Bank withdrawals and opposes any dealings with the PA until Hamas recognises Israel's right to exist as a Jewish state.

...

THE ARAB PARTIES: Israel's one million plus Palestinian citizens are represented by three parties. The United Arab List (UAL), backed by the "southern stream" of the Islamist movement in Israel; the secularist Hadash coalition, backed by Israel's Communist Party; and the nationalist Al-Balad movement led by Azmi Bishara.


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http://weekly.ahram.org.eg/2006/786/re4.htm
by UK Independent (reposted)


It is worth visiting one of the more bizarre recreational haunts of Jerusalem if you want to hear the authentic tones of the diehard, Soviet-born, supporters of Avigdor Lieberman. It is important to do so because Mr Lieberman, a far-right settler born in Moldova, could be the surprise of the Israeli election on Tuesday. Polls show he could be a coalition kingmaker with around 10 seats in the Knesset.

To the scores of hard-up migrants queuing for their complimentary thermal massage at the premises of the Ceragem firm, close to Mahane Yehuda market, Mr Lieberman is political idol. As leader of the Yisrael Beiteinu party (or "Israel Our Home"), he wants Israel's border with the northern West Bank redrawn. That would mean nearly half a million Israeli Arabs losing their citizenship, putting them on the other, Palestinian side, of the separation barrier. He wants remaining Arab citizens to pledge loyalty to Zionism or lose the right to vote. This week, he said that Acting Prime Minister Ehud Olmert's plan for partial withdrawal from the West Bank would "perpetuate Hamas rule for the next century" and cause "ultimately, the end of the state of Israel".

Because of his policies, not to mention opposition charges of past association with criminal elements, his success has appalled liberal commentators. In yesterday's Haaretz newspaper, Uzi Benziman described his world view as "fascist".

But, queuing for her massage at Ceragem's, Anya would disagree. Speaking for many of the electorally crucial 900,000 Russian-speaking voters from the former Soviet Union, she said: "Lieberman's is the only Russian party. He is engaged in our problems and, for better or worse, he raises the important questions."

For Anya, who declined to give her surname but who has lived here with her family since arriving from Belarus from 1991, these questions include better social security for elderly, and often poor, recent immigrants. Did she want Mr Lieberman, a former transport minister, to be in the cabinet? "Of course, that's why I'm voting for him."

Eduard Zubkov, 67, from Ukraine, said he liked Mr Lieberman's "toughness", contrasting it to the present government's willingness - temporarily - to reopen the Karni cargo crossing in the face of a mounting humanitarian crisis in Gaza. "They opened it without anything changing. That's not tough."

More
http://news.independent.co.uk/world/middle_east/article353016.ece
by Al-Ahram Weekly (reposted)
Elections in Israel usually circle around a big idea. In 1992, it was peace. In 1996 it was security. In 1999 it was peace again, combined with the desire to end Israel's 20-year occupation of Lebanon. In 2003 it was the Intifada and how Israel was to deal with the Palestinians' second national revolt in less than a decade. Ariel Sharon insisted that any retreat -- territorial or otherwise -- would be a "victory for terrorism". The Labour Party leader, Amran Mitzna, called for negotiations and/or a unilateral withdrawal from Gaza. Sharon won the elections and implemented Mitzna's policy, minus the negotiations.

There is no big idea for the Israeli elections on 28 March. There is a continuation of existing government policy. It's called separation and carries Sharon's imprimatur. All that his successor, acting Prime Minister and Kadima leader Ehud Olmert, has done is provide the details: the West Bank wall will be Israel's eastern border, including its concrete envelop around occupied East Jerusalem; the West Bank settlements will be "converged" into three vast blocks; Israel will retain security control over the Jordan Valley; and there will be a permanent severance between the West Bank and Gaza, with the latter under Israel's total control. The same will be the fate of the West Bank cantons.

Aside from Meretz -- polled to win seven seats in the 120-member Knesset -- none of the main parties are advocating peace, negotiations or even the roadmap. Kadima's mantra is separation. Binyamin Netanyahu's Likud Party doesn't object to separation per se (he now rarely speaks of the "Greater land of Israel") but rather its unilateralism. Like Sharon circa 2003, Netanyahu asserts that any retreat will be a "victory for terrorism". But, unlike Sharon in 2003, Netanyahu's aim is not government. It is to win 18 seats. He knows anything less will mean the end of his leadership.

Read More
http://weekly.ahram.org.eg/2006/787/fr2.htm
by Haaretz (reposted)
In anticipation of the expected decision on the future of Israeli control over the West Bank, a group of people from the security-right came out with an initiative to set "defensible borders" for Israel.

The starting point for the supporters of this idea, headed by former chief of staff Moshe Ya'alon and former UN ambassador Dore Gold, is that withdrawal to the 1967 borders will create an existential threat for Israel. The tiny state will not be able to defend itself against a ground invasion, will find it difficult to fend off missiles and prevent terror attacks, and its withdrawal will encourage the enemy to attack. Therefore, Israel must enlist domestic and international support for continuing to hold onto the mountain ridges.

There's no doubt Israel deserves "defensible borders." But the word "defense" has two meanings, military and legal, and the gap between the meanings represents Israel's political dilemma. Nowadays, tanks, fortifications and fighters are not enough to protect the border. A good defense attorney is also required.

More
http://www.haaretz.com/hasen/spages/697541.html
by Haaretz (reposted)
Rabbi Ovadia Yosef, the spiritual leader of the Shas party, was quoted Friday by an ultra-Orthodox weekly paper saying that "whoever votes for Kadima in the upcoming elections will be going backwards, and into hell."

The influential rabbi later told Shas Chairman Eli Yishai that he never made the controversial statement, adding, "Had I wanted to say such things, I wouldn't be ashamed of doing so."

Rabbi Yosef recently said that whomever votes for Shas in next week's general elections is ensured a spot in heaven. In his interview with with the paper, "Hakehila" he stood by this statement. "That is the absolute truth. I'm happy people made a stink about this. I only speak the truth," he said.

A Kadima election campaign spokesman responded saying, "Whoever votes for Kadima is voting for hope and for Sharon's policy, and is ensuring that Israel will be a better place. That is the real Paradise."

http://www.haaretz.com/hasen/spages/698357.html
by Haaretz (reposted)
Kadima's steady slide in the polls over the last few days has its leaders somewhat alarmed. Olmert called together his advisers Thursday to spearhead a drive to send out the sharp message that a "strong Kadima" is vital to prevent political extortion and to form a stable government.

Although the drop is mild and the polls still give the party an average of about 36 Knesset seats, Kadima's leadership is worried lest the fall continue in the next four days until the elections.

Kadima leaders say that 35 Knesset members would be considered an achievement. However, anything less than that would make it difficult to form a coalition rapidly.

It is assumed that Labor, Shas and Torah Judaism are certain to join Kadima's coalition.

Party leaders said Thursday they hoped Olmert's statement that Yisrael Beiteinu leader Avidgor Lieberman would not be a member of his cabinet, would move immigrants to vote for Kadima. It is assumed that many Russian-speaking immigrants intended to vote for Lieberman, believing he would be a minister in Olmert's cabinet. However, following Olmert's statement, these votes will transfer from Yisrael Beiteinu to Kadima.

In the last few days until the elections Kadima will try to infuse the grassroots activists with enthusiasm through dozens of campaign rallies and tours throughout the country. Shimon Peres and ministers Tzipi Livni and Avraham Hirchson will visit the Givatayim mall Friday. Kadima will also launch a "Kadima 2" billboard operation at central intersections to create the impression of a large, dynamic party.

The ministers, Knesset members and activists will visit 90 party branches in various communities Friday to examine the preparations for Election Day. Activists have been instructed to bring as many voters as possible to the polls, as it is believed that a high voter turnout will serve the party's interests.

http://www.haaretz.com/hasen/spages/698322.html
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