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Beginning of the End? Watergate 2005? Gotterdammerung for the Bushies?

by CounterPunch (reposted)
By ALEXANDER COCKBURN
and JEFFREY ST. CLAIR
Scooter Libby was the lawyer who got the charges dropped against billionaire scamster Marc Rich back in Clintontime. But that had more to do with Rich's billions than with any legal talents Libby may have. On the evidence of the indictment brought by special prosecutor Patrick Fitzgerald on Friday, October 28, one fact stands out: SCOOTER LIBBY IS INCREDIBLY STUPID.

And this is what CounterPunch gets from the Fitzgerald indictment as a whole.

Special prosecutor Fitzgerald could have suggested that there is a cancer growing on the presidency, metastasizing out of Dick Cheney's suite. He could have stated, or even hinted that yesterday's indictment of Libby is the first drum roll in a mighty symphony of prosecutorial onslaughts on felonious conduct in high places.

But special prosecutor Fitzgerald did none of these things. He trailed his coat plenty of times. In his indictment of Libby he opens a couple of doors a few inches, so that the attentive reader can see footprints that head off towards the vice president's office. But then the door shuts and there's no evidence that special prosecutor has an appetite to prise it open again.

Despite all the enormous hopes vested in the Plame affair, that it is playing the same role in the downfall of the Bush administration as did the "third-rate rate burglary" that kicked off Watergate, this could be the end of the story, even if Fitzgerald has said there might have to be further investigation of Karl Rove, identified in the Indictments as Official A.

Back to Libby and his stupidity. Put yourself in his shoes. You are about to go before a grand jury and testify under oath. You know that the special prosecutor has successfully subpoenaed White House and CIA logs. Your lawyer whispers in your ear that the three most beautiful words in the English language are "I don't recall". He claps you on the back and, alone and unarmed, you enter the grand jury room. You raise your right hand and swear solemnly that you will testify to the truth, the whole truth and nothing but the truth so help you God.

And here's nice Mr Fitzgerald asking you questions and you tell one staggering lie after another. Not sneaky little half truths. Not mincing little evasions. No, Sir! Not this Scooter! I work for Dick Cheney and I can really, really tell a lie. And you do! You fire off volley after volley of brazen falsehoods, stretchers so ripe with willful and considered mendacity that it's a marvel the words don't explode in the jury room like methane in an overheated pile of manure.

Fitzgerald: If you did not understand the information about Wilson's wife to have been classified and didn't understand it when you heard it from Mr. Russert, why was it that you were so deliberate to make sure that you told other reporters that reporters were saying it and not assert it as something you knew?

Libby: I want --I didn't want to --I didn't know if it was true and I didn't want people --I didn't want the reporters to think it was true because I said it. I --all I had was that reporters are telling us that, and by that I wanted them to understand it wasn't coming from me and that it might not be true. Reporters write things that aren't true sometimes, or get things that aren't true. So I wanted to be clear they didn't, they didn't think it was me saying it. I didn't know it was true and I wanted them to understand that. Also, it was important to me to let them know that because what I was telling them was that I don't know Mr. Wilson. We didn't ask for his mission. That I didn't see his report.

Basically, we didn't know anything about him until this stuff came out in June. And among the other things, I didn't know he had a wife. That was one of the things I said to Mr. Cooper. I don't know if he's married. And so I wanted to be very clear about all this stuff that I didn't, I didn't know about him. And the only thing I had, I thought at the time, was what reporters are telling us.

And of course there in the investigative dossier on the table in front of nice Mr Fitzgerald are all the records of Libby's urgent probes into Wilson and Plames' relationship and activities weeks and months before he talked to Russert or to Cooper. The grand jurors must have looked at Libby, thinking, This idiot spouting perjuries at us is Vice President Cheney's chief of staff? Our taxpayer money is paying this moron's salary.

This is what CounterPunch gets from Plamegate, and what we always got from Plamegate. The people in charge of the nation's destinies these last five years are very, very stupid. Only really stupid people could have thought that outing Valerie Plame as an undercover CIA employee was a good way of undercutting her husband, Joe Wilson. Cheney is stupid. Rose is stupid. Bush is stupid. Libby, about whom we now have a heap of useful material, is very, very stupid.

It's only because we have a lazy and venal press that this hasn't been conclusively rammed into the public's mind years ago. But the press is lazy, venal and complicit.

Tim Russert wasn't calling on Libby to probe for secrets. He was there, according to Fitzgerald's indictment, to listen to Libby's complaint that a staffer of MSNBC had been rude about him, Libby. Cooper of Time wasn't there to disinter the dark mysteries of the yellow cake scam. He was there to have a good gossip.

Now it could be that Scooter Libby's next lawyer will sit down with his client and tell him that he's going to the joint for a lot longer that Judy Miller's 85 days in prison unless he opens up for special prosecutor Fitzgerald some investigative avenues so promising, so sensational, that Mr Fitzgerald begins to see himself as a major star in the political firmament. Maybe.

Or he may say, Scooter, cop a plea asap, do some time and then let the President pardon you on his way out of Dodge, same way as Clinton pardoned your former client Marc Rich, and the same way Bush's Dad, as one of his last acts in power, on December 4, 1992, pardoned Caspar Weinberger, Duane R. Clarridge, Clair E. George, Robert C. McFarlane, Elliott Abrams, and Alan G. Fiers Jr., all of whom had been indicted and/or convicted of charges by Independent Counsel Walsh in the Contragate affair.

In fact Bush Sr pardoned Weinberger, though he was scheduled to stand trial two weeks later, so maybe Scooter will hang tough and just try to run out the clock.

So we somehow doubt that the Plame Affair still has legs, but even so, we have to go back to the early 1970s to find rubble so satisfactorily piled up around our imperial government.

In Nixon's case, top officials and aides forced into resignation and in many cases prison, included the vice president, the head of the FBI, two attorneys general and four senior White House staffers.

On March 1, 1974, a grand jury named President Nixon, among others, as an unindicted coconspirator, for obstruction of justice concerning suppression of evidence such as the White House tapes. In August of that year Nixon resigned.

Yes, it was quite a holocaust at the top executive level. But many imperial institutions sailed through the crisis supposedly ennobled. Kissinger's stature was not dented and indeed his sway over State Department and Empire was consolidated. President Ford had no option but to maintain him as the arbiter of America's policies around the world.

The US Supreme Court sailed on, led by Nixon's chosen instrument, Warren Burger. Both the US Senate and House of Representatives gained an heroic aura as the tv cameras turned Sam Ervin and even Howard Baker into saviors of the Republic. The Democratic Party emerged with credit and huge majorities in November '74.

Most of all, the Fourth Estate was anointed (mostly by itself) as the vanquisher of despotism.

Contrast this to the inferno that now threatens the Imperial Establishment on every front. Since Nixon-time the Republic has had 31 years to run to seed, fatter and more corrupt.

Read More
http://counterpunch.com/cockburn10292005.html
§Karl's Great Escape
by CounterPunch (reposted)
Did Rove Rat on Scooter?
Karl's Great Escape

By JOSHUA FRANK

At a Critical Mass bike ride here in Albany, New York on Friday, I decided to turn the Halloween theme into a political one, at least for myself. I'm not much for costumes and makeup. So I just slapped a sign on the back of my jacket and off I rode. My sign read, "Rove is Next."

Too bad I was wrong.

Karl Rove may in fact be bulletproof. At this juncture it is quite likely that Rove will not be indicted over the Plame affair. Scooter Libby is playing the patsy for his petty lies and fabrications. As the Washington Post reported on October 29, Rove may in fact be a witness against Libby if Fitzgerald ever gets this to go to trial, something I highly doubt. According to several news sources, Rove is actually "Official A" (p. 8, paragraph 21 of lengthy Libby Indictment). The paragraph reads:

"On or about July 10 or July 11, 2003, LIBBY spoke to a senior official in the White House ("Official A") who advised LIBBY of a conversation Official A had earlier that week with columnist Robert Novak in which Wilson's wife was discussed as a CIA employee involved in Wilson's trip. LIBBY was advised by Official A that Novak would be writing a story about Wilson's wife."

If you read the paragraph closer, it does not say that "Official A" is Robert Novak's source. What it says is that "A" had a conversation with Novak in which it was discussed that Wilson's wife was a CIA employee. It also says that Novak was going to write about it. What the paragraph doesn't say is whether "A" told Novak about Plame's CIA employment or whether Novak gave Rove the information.

Read More
http://counterpunch.com/frank10292005.html
§The political implications of the Libby indictment
by wsws (reposted)
Friday’s indictment of I. Lewis Libby for perjury and obstruction of justice in the Justice Department probe of the outing of a CIA agent has shaken not only the White House, but the entire political establishment in the US.

Libby was one of the chief architects of the invasion of Iraq. His indictment for lying about an administration “dirty tricks” operation against a critic of the war implicates both the vice president and Bush himself.

As the New York Times wrote on October 29, Libby “had the exalted position of being a full member of President Bush’s inner circle ... holding three pivotal jobs at once: assistant to the president, chief of staff to the vice president and Mr. Cheney’s national security adviser.”

Underlying Libby’s indictment is a deep crisis of American foreign policy—first and foremost the disastrous results of the US invasion of Iraq—which has come together with growing internal opposition to both the war and the worsening economic situation confronting broad masses of working people.

This crisis is more than the end result of the personal limitations of Bush and the subjective predilections of Cheney, Rumsfeld and their fellow conspirators. It is rooted in an objective crisis of historical proportions: American imperialism has arrived at a blind alley, for which it has no way out other than war and reaction.

That is fundamentally what imparts to the US government its criminal character, and dictates that the more it becomes caught up in its own contradictions, the more dangerous and violent it becomes. It would be the most serious mistake to believe that the response of the Bush administration to the indictment of Libby will be to compromise and retreat from its policies of militarism and social reaction. Its instinctive response will be to adopt even more extreme measures.

This can already be seen in the Bush administration’s signals to the Christian right, following the collapse of the Harriet Miers nomination for the Supreme Court, that the president’s next choice will meet the specifications of the administration’s neo-fascist “base.”

Despite the crisis and disarray of his administration, Bush has one great advantage: his nominal opposition, the Democratic Party, has no interest in seeing his government collapse. The Democrats’ combination of cowardice and complicity in the war ensure that Bush will be given time to work out his plans for a counteroffensive.

Libby’s indictment arose out of the attempt by the White House to discredit former diplomat Joseph Wilson. In July of 2003, after US occupation forces had failed to turn up any evidence of Iraqi weapons of mass destruction and the anti-US insurgency had begun to grow, Wilson published a column in the New York Times exposing as a lie one of the main pieces of “evidence” cited by Bush and other top administration officials to back up their tales of a nuclear-armed terror regime in Baghdad. This was the claim that Saddam Hussein had sought to purchase uranium from the African country of Niger.

Wilson revealed that he had been sent by the CIA the previous year to Niger to investigate the uranium claim, and had found it to be false. He accused the Bush administration of “twisting” intelligence to drag the American people into war.

The administration responded by feeding to the press the fact that Wilson’s wife, Valerie Plame Wilson, was a CIA operative, and suggesting that she had played a role in assigning Wilson to check out the African uranium story. The aim was to smear Wilson and dissuade any other would-be whistle blowers from exposing the government’s lies.

This plot to silence a critic of the war was only a small part of an immense web of criminality and lies. It flowed from the central crime: the unprovoked invasion of Iraq, justified through the systematic and deliberate deception of the American people. If the principles laid down by the Nuremburg trials were enforced, this conspiracy to wage aggressive war would itself result in Bush, Cheney, Libby and others suffering the maximum penalty.

The Bush administration elevated the illegal premises underlying the Iraq war to the foundation of its foreign policy, in its doctrine of “preventive war,” which is a direct repudiation of international law. The pursuit of this policy has entailed the widespread use of torture, the practice of “disappearing” alleged terrorists and the establishment of American-run gulags in various parts of the world.

Given the enormity of these crimes, and the scale of the lying used to justify or conceal them, what is remarkable is not that one small aspect of the conspiracy has unraveled, and one of the culprits has been indicted, but that it has taken years for the administration to suffer any serious consequences.

Read More
http://www.wsws.org/articles/2005/oct2005/libb-o31.shtml
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