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Palestinian president fawns on Bush

by wsws (reposted)
Journalists love a cliché, as is evidenced by how many wrote of Palestinian Authority President Mahmoud Abbas’s meeting with President Bush under the title, “Mr Abbas goes to Washington”.
In truth only the meeting’s arena permits reference to Frank Capra’s masterpiece. In every other respect the comparison is fallacious. In “Mr. Smith Goes to Washington”, James Stewart plays Jefferson Smith, a naïve idealist who succeeds in both exposing and triumphing over the corruption endemic to Capitol Hill and echoed in the US media. Abbas, on the other hand, is no innocent, but a venal representative of the Arab bourgeoisie. And his role in Washington was to conceal political duplicity, rather than expose it.

Even before meeting with Bush, Abbas chose to write an op-ed piece for the mouthpiece of the Republican right, the Wall Street Journal. Entitled, “Message to Ariel Sharon: Set My People Free,” the May 26 article provides a fairly accurate summation of the efforts of Israel’s Likud-Labour coalition government to “effectively preclude a two-state solution to the Israeli-Palestinian conflict.”

Abbas writes, “Israel’s ongoing settlement construction in the West Bank, its insidious Wall which, since not built on the 1967 border, is suffocating Palestinian cities and towns, and its illegal attempts to cut off East Jerusalem from the rest of the West Bank will, if allowed to continue, render a two-state solution to our conflict an impossibility. If the two-state solution dies, our democracy cannot be far behind, for democracy and freedom are intertwined: It is impossible to have one without the other.

“For the next few months, world attention will focus on Israel’s planned unilateral withdrawal from the Gaza Strip. The Palestinians have no illusions about this action: It is not a gesture of peace; rather it diverts attention away from Israel’s settlement expansion of the West Bank. While much is being made of Israel’s withdrawal of 7,300 settlers from Gaza, homes for another 30,000 Jewish settlers are being built in the West Bank. Moreover, even after Israel withdraws its settlers from Gaza it wants to continue to control Gaza’s borders, airspace and seacoast. No one will be able to enter or leave without Israel’s approval, and the Israeli army has made clear its intention to operate at will within Gaza. The 1.3 million Palestinians in Gaza who have lived under an oppressive occupation will hardly be made free by Israel’s evacuation. Palestinians fear that the Gaza Strip will become a large prison.”

But Abbas reveals only a partial truth. For he presents these measures as an attack on the “vision” shared by himself and Bush, a man who supposedly supports the Palestinian “quest for freedom” as part of his ongoing efforts “to see democracy and freedom spread throughout the Middle East”.

To proclaim Bush’s commitment to democracy and freedom would be impermissible under any circumstances, but Abbas prefaces his assertion by stating, “Although I have great faith in the Palestinian people and in our democracy, I also am aware that democracy without freedom is ultimately meaningless: An ‘occupied democracy’ is an oxymoron.”

This is certainly true for Palestine, but equally so for Iraq where the United States is the occupying power and is ruthlessly suppressing all resistance to this injustice.

Abbas fawns on Bush, as if he is unaware that Sharon has enjoyed the full backing of Washington for his ongoing offensive against the Palestinians—measures that have been discussed between Bush and the Israeli Prime Minister at every turn. The Bush administration has repeatedly insisted that the planned Israeli pull-out of settlers from Gaza is all that can be expected at present, unless Abbas succeeds in ending all opposition to the Israeli occupation and imprisons militant nationalist and Islamic forces. Washington even declares that criticism of settlement construction on the West Bank is counter-productive because it might hinder Sharon’s efforts to implement the Gaza pullout.

Abbas boasts of already having done what is required of him. He presents this as having fulfilled the demands of the Palestinian electorate, but his list of achievements, “transparency and accountability”, a “cease-fire with Israel”, “dialogue” (he boasts “I have brought about in four months what Israel was unable to achieve in four years of military incursions and assassinations”), has been drawn up at the behest of the White House.

Furthermore, even after correctly characterising the aims of Sharon’s government, and noting how “Israel’s daily military incursions and destruction of our infrastructure and institutions have rendered us an impoverished nation,” Abbas promises his continued cooperation with Tel Aviv and to take over the policing of Gaza.

Following his audience with Bush, Abbas continued in a similar vein. In a press statement issued before he departed for Canada, he commended Bush’s efforts to reach peace in the Middle East and to support the Palestinian economy. He was happy with Bush’s strong commitment to support Palestinian efforts to build their own state and to implement the Roadmap peace plan. “We consider the statements of President Bush as obligations. He is a man who honors his obligations and we have not asked for more,” he wrote.

A look at what was actually said by Bush exposes the falsity of such claims. Bush was careful in phrasing any demand he made on Israel and prefaced these with a veiled warning to Abbas that “only the defeat of violence will lead to sovereignty... All who engage in terror are the enemies of a Palestinian state, and must be held to account. We will stand with you, Mr. President, as you combat corruption, reform the Palestinian security services and your justice system, and revive your economy.”

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http://wsws.org/articles/2005/may2005/abba-m31.shtml
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by Al-Ahram Weekly (reposted)
Palestinian officials hailed Mahmoud Abbas' meeting with George Bush as a "significant and historic" turning point in Palestinian-US relations. It is too soon to say, writes Graham Usher in Jerusalem
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Whatever else, last week's meeting between presidents Bush and Abbas thawed the frost that has long coated US- Palestinian relations. In a ringing endorsement, Bush vowed to stand by the Palestinian leader "as you combat corruption, reform the Palestinian security services and your justice system and revive your economy".

There were practical gestures. Bush authorised $50 million in direct aid to the Palestinian Authority, skirting Congressional objections that the Palestinian treasury was a black hole. He expanded the role of his envoy, General William Ward, from "overseer" of Palestinian security reform to "coordinator" between the Israeli and PA forces. He reiterated American opposition to settlement construction and any other activity that "contravenes [Israel's] roadmap obligations or prejudices final status negotiations with regard to Gaza, the West Bank and Jerusalem".

According to Israeli sources, Bush also showed understanding to Abbas' request that disarming the various Palestinian militia be postponed until after the PA parliamentary elections, a tacit nod to Abbas' contention that the way to domesticate Hamas is through incorporation rather than confrontation.

Perhaps most significantly Bush said that "any final status agreement must be reached between the two parties, and changes to the 1949 armistice lines must be mutually agreed to". For PA Foreign Minister Nasser Al-Kidwa, this US pledge to some extent "balances" the one granted Ariel Sharon in April 2004: "in the light of new realities on the ground, including already existing major Israeli population centers [i.e. settlements], it is unrealistic to expect that the outcome of final status negotiations will be a full and complete return to the armistice lines of 1949."

None of this played well with Sharon. "The Palestinians came out feeling no pressure to fight terror, and that they don't have to take immediate action," he told a US delegation in Jerusalem on 30 May. "Questions are being asked -- what happened to Bush's promises? People say the whole disengagement plan is a bluff. I need calm to carry out the disengagement, and this is causing me difficulties."

Restoring PA-US relations to something like normalcy is perhaps the key component of Abbas' strategy to end the armed Intifada, resume a political process on the basis of the roadmap and, critically, move on to final status negotiations. Very simply, he believes he must drive a wedge between the US and Israeli governments to create a divide in Israeli opinion that will either force Sharon to negotiate or hasten his fall from office. Was the Washington meeting the thin end of the wedge?

Abbas approached Bush with three requests: a commitment that the Gaza disengagement plan would be an integral part of the roadmap rather than its substitute or prelude; that pressure would be exerted on Israel to fulfill its roadmap obligations, especially a freeze on settlement construction and the withdrawal of the army to positions held prior to the outbreak of the Intifada in September 2000; and an articulation not just of the "vision" of a Palestinian state but concrete assurances as to its content, parametres, timeline and mechanism for realisation.

Read More
http://weekly.ahram.org.eg/2005/745/fr2.htm
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