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The real story Of Iraqis at OKC bombing. Not the one you think!
Articles about Iraqis at OKC bombing
First read these articles, then realize that Bush Sr. trained the Iraqis in the 1980s. Bush sr. arranged to have them come here after the Gulf war. Then Clinton paid them to resettle in US cities, Including OKC(see the LA Times below. )
They were brought to help, and be seen at the OKC Bombing.
That fact was hidden for years, now they are using in as a reason to invade Iraq!
==============================================================================================================================
This article is a recent about how Iraq was involved in the OKC bombing.
http://www.worldnetdaily.com/news/article.asp?ARTICLE_ID=29606
Oklahoma City bombing John Doe No. 2?
--------------------------------------------------------------------------------
Posted: November 9, 2002
1:00 a.m. Eastern
By Notra Trulock
© 2002 WorldNetDaily.com
In 1995, the worst act of terrorism on American soil, prior to the 9/11 disaster, was committed in Oklahoma City.
On April 19, terrorists blew up the Murrah Federal Building and killed 168 Americans and wounded scores more. Not long after the bombing, Timothy McVeigh was arrested about 60 miles east of Oklahoma City and a few days later Terry Nichols surrendered to police in Herrington, Kansas. With those arrests, the Justice Department shut down any further investigation into who had committed this awful crime.
But like the Kennedy assassination, many Americans remained deeply skeptical about the government's assurances that McVeigh and Nichols acted alone in this horrible crime. And for good reason, as it seems that the FBI ignored important investigative leads, failed to interview potentially significant witnesses, and destroyed the Murrah building before experts could examine the crime scene.
The involvement of a John Doe No. 2 in the bombing has remained a simmering controversy. Skeptics ask why the FBI canceled an all-points-bulletin for a Middle Eastern male subject or subjects fleeing the scene issued in the immediate aftermath of the explosion. Numerous eyewitness accounts have identified Middle Eastern males in the company of McVeigh in the days and weeks before the bombing.
Dr. Frederic Whitehurst's allegations against the FBI crime lab sparked a Justice Department investigation that found the lab had provided "inaccurate pro-prosecution testimony in major cases including Oklahoma City." Retired Air Force General Benton K. Partin, an explosives expert, disputed the FBI's theory that the damage to the Murrah Building was caused by a single truck-bomb. His analyses were later endorsed by numerous physicists, physical chemists, and experts in structural mechanics as well as a series of live tests conducted at Eglin Air Force Base. These are just some of the lingering questions about the 1995 bombing.
Beyond covering McVeigh's execution and the FBI foul-ups that delayed it, the mainstream media have devoted little effort to digging into any of these questions. Concerned citizens have had to go to Internet media outlets like WorldNetDaily and NewsMax or be on the lookout for the occasional investigative report in obscure outlets like the Los Angeles Weekly or the London Evening Standard. In early September, the Wall Street Journal did one column on its editorial page about possible Iraqi involvement in Oklahoma City and the 1993 World Trade Center bombing, but seemed to lose interest after that.
One columnist who has refused to let the story die is James Patterson, an editorial writer at the Indianapolis Star. Patterson was one of the first to report a potential crack in the wall of silence erected around the Oklahoma City bombing by the government and the elite media.
Twice in recent months, Patterson has reported that Chairman Dan Burton's House Government Reform Committee investigators have uncovered the possible whereabouts of videotapes and photographs of the Murrah Federal Building from the day of the bombing. The Final Report of the Oklahoma Bombing Investigation Committee noted the existence of such tapes, but the Justice Department has adamantly refused to release them, even in response to Freedom of Information Act requests.
Burton believes that the tapes and photographs may be held in the archives of Naval Intelligence at the Washington Navy Yard and he has issued a subpoena to the Secretary of the Navy to obtain them. The tapes are said to contain video of a John Doe No. 2 getting out on the passenger side of the Ryder truck just prior to the explosion.
Former FBI Deputy Director Weldon Kennedy told the Philadelphia Inquirer that talk of withheld videotapes is "ludicrous and insulting." Kennedy says that agents nailed down "98 to 99 percent" of McVeigh and Nichols' movements in the months before the bombing and he is absolutely convinced they acted alone. Cate McCauley, who worked on McVeigh's appeal, goes beyond Kennedy and charges that talk of Middle Eastern men helping McVeigh is "perhaps the worse case of misinformation and pandering" she has come across. The allegations, she says, are easily refutable and those who promote them are "standing on the graves of thousands of people."
A quick, easy way to resolve the controversy over John Doe No. 2 would be to simply release the videotapes and photographs and let the American public judge for itself. Release the tapes and bring this case to closure. The victims of the Oklahoma City bombing deserve nothing less.
This article is from 1993 about the Iraqi resettlement.
=====================================================================
Los Angeles Times
August 24, 1993
IRAQ POWS PAID TO RESETTLE IN U.S.; LAWMAKERS PROTEST
By RICHARD A. SERRANO
The United States has begun resettling in this country up to 4,000 Iraqi soldiers who surrendered during the Persian Gulf War, an effort that has drawn criticism from a coalition of congressmen who believe the prisoners are receiving special treatment never awarded returning American soldiers.
The U.S. government is paying between $4,000 and $7,000 to relocate each of the enemy prisoners -- and in some cases their family members. They have been classified as refugees who would be harmed by Iraqi President Saddam Hussein if returned home.
The Iraqis are being scattered in small numbers to communities in California, Florida and elsewhere where they will have access to job opportunities, housing and federal social service programs. It is precisely that special consideration that has irked a bipartisan group of 75 members of Congress who are urging President Clinton to deny the refugee status to the Iraqi soldiers. "This is an incredibly bizarre set of priorities," said Rep. Cliff Stearns, a Florida Republican who sits on the House Veterans Affairs Committee.
"This nation's priorities regarding war veterans should be focusing on those who served in the American uniform, first and foremost," he said.
Added Rep. Earl Hutto (D-Fla.): "Given the choice, I would rather see that $4,000 go to one of our own veterans and not the people that were shooting at us."
Although prisoners of war are almost always sent home immediately after hostilities end, the situation this time represents a complicated and tangled footnote to an American war that was immensely successful.
This time, the enemy does not want to go home, preferring to embrace its foe.
By war's end, almost 110,000 enemy soldiers were taken to two camps in Saudi Arabia. The vast majority of them had been captured by United Nations coalition forces. They eventually were repatriated to Iraq under the auspices of the International Red Cross after Saddam Hussein issued a general amnesty.
But 4,000 remained in the camps. Most apparently had surrendered after reading leaflets dropped by U.S. planes that guaranteed their safety.
The government of Saudi Arabia has been housing them temporarily in the camps, along with 25,000 Iraqi civilians who fled their homes during the fighting and another 10,000 so-called freedom fighters who fought with the coalition against Hussein.
In early 1992, according to the State Department, it became clear that conditions in Iraq precluded the safe return of many of the 4,000 Iraqi soldiers and other refugees. The United Nations High Commissioner for Refugees concluded that other solutions, such as resettlement in other countries, had to be found.
Along with the United States, Sweden, Denmark and Norway also agreed to accept some of the camp refugees.
"These people are refugees under U.S. law," said a State Department official, who asked not to be identified. "They have been persecuted or have well-founded fears of persecution in their country.
"And the United States has a history of providing humanitarian assistance. I don't think all of these men were pointing rifles and shooting at U.N. coalition soldiers. A lot of them defected long before the ground war even started."
Many of the 4,000 soldiers were forced to join the Iraqi army or face death for refusing to enlist, he said.
"Most of the Iraqi solders were conscripted, and the coalition forces encouraged them to surrender," the State Department official said. "We dropped leaflets all over encouraging them to drop their arms, come over and we would take care of them."
Clinton Administration officials said that many of the Iraqi military prisoners were able to help the coalition forces in many ways during the war, such as providing information about Iraqi troop strength and maneuvers.
According to a State Department memorandum sent to congressional offices skeptical of the resettlement program, "many of those persons had provided valuable services to U.S. forces in the aftermath of the conflict."
The memo also said that since 1992, about 1,000 ex-soldiers and some of their family members have been brought to the United States. In addition to California and Florida, they also are resettling in Texas, Michigan and Illinois. The State Department would not name specific relocation sites.
Before entering the United States, they must be cleared by the FBI. They also must sign a promissory note to reimburse the U.S. government for their transportation costs after they become self-sufficient in America, a transition that government sources said usually takes about a year.
But under the government's Refugee Assistance Program, they are entitled to free help from a wide array of sources.
They can receive cash and free medical assistance if they have no financial resources of their own. They also are eligible for job training and English language schooling.
Many in Congress see the effort as an affront to the U.S. military, noting that returning Gulf War veterans did not receive such assistance. In a letter they plan to send to Clinton after seeking more signatures from members in Congress, those opposing the effort noted that the resettlement of Iraqi POWs ultimately could cost American taxpayers up to $70 million.
They expressed concern that many of the ex-soldiers could pose a safety threat to U.S. citizens despite the FBI clearances, pointing out that with international terrorism already hitting the United States, this "raises serious questions concerning our national security."
"This potentially dangerous and unfair policy can be stopped. We feel it is not wise to continue a policy that could eventually threaten the safety of our citizens and government officials," the letter said.
This is a BBC transcript showing Bush Sr. was bringing Arabs to train in the U.S.
============================================================
http://news.bbc.co.uk/1/hi/events/newsnight/1645527.stm
PALAST:
Newsnight has uncovered a long history of shadowy connections between the State Department, the CIA and the Saudis. The former head of the American visa bureau in Jeddah is Michael Springman.
MICHAEL SPRINGMAN:
In Saudi Arabia I was repeatedly ordered by high level State Dept officials to issue visas to unqualified applicants. These were, essentially, people who had no ties either to Saudi Arabia or to their own country. I complained bitterly at the time there. I returned to the US, I complained to the State Dept here, to the General Accounting Office, to the Bureau of Diplomatic Security and to the Inspector General's office. I was met with silence.
PALAST:
By now, Bush Sr, once CIA director, was in the White House. Springman was shocked to find this wasn't visa fraud. Rather, State and CIA were playing "the Great Game".
SPRINGMAN:
What I was protesting was, in reality, an effort to bring recruits, rounded up by Osama Bin Laden, to the US for terrorist training by the CIA. They would then be returned to Afghanistan to fight against the then-Soviets. ===========================================
Here is a radio interview about the Iraqs at the OKC Bombing.
===================================================================================
Radio interview with David Shippers, qoutes
http://www.infowars.com/transcript_schippers.html Mp3 available there also.
In this interview, "Iraqi Terrorists" refers to the Iraqi Republican Guard, resettled after the Gulf War, near Oklahoma City by former Pres. Bush.
In this interview, "Iraqi Terrorists" refers to the Iraqi Republican Guard, resettled after the Gulf War, near Oklahoma City by former Pres. Bush.
AJ: Wouldn't touch it. So we've got all this developing. We've got police officers and FBI on the ground who know who bombed Oklahoma City. They've got them in custody with blue jogging suits and bomb-making components. They are ordered to release them. All of this is unfolding - 3500 to 5000 Iraqi Republican Guard (living near OKC), we know there is a Saddam/Iraqi connection here - I mean they knew this. Why in the world, David Shippers, did they allow this to take place?
DS: She was an investigative reporter working for a TV station in Oklahoma City at the time of the bombing.
AJ: And they had these very middle-eastern Bin Laden, Saddam minions, interviewing these guys.
DS: Yes, absolutely. She identified by the name the guy who was the one. Recently, she came up with some evidence that another guy there actually admitted that he was part of the World Trade Center bombing. He's still walking around. I mean they are taking people into custody, they are offering rewards, but these guys are still there and still doing their little thing.
AJ: That's the point I'm trying to make. The government has their names, knows who the cells are, the 3500 Iraqi....
DS: I don't know if they do because when Jayna had all this material.. I'm talking about 3 giant loose-leaf binders full of affidavits and other material. This woman did a job of investigating that would make the Massad look bad.
AJ: The New York Times came in and bought up her TV station and got rid of her.
DS: Well, they bought up the TV station and got rid of her and also tried to make her turn over notes and films and stuff like that but she beat them court. She's still got them.
DS: Yea, Clinton made that statement. And they had a handy guy in McVeigh. I also know from affidavits that I have read that there were eyewitnesses who saw the middle eastern man running from the scene (OKC bombing) along side McVeigh.
AJ: And why don't the feds just release those 12 surveillance camera tapes if it is just McVeigh alone?
DS: Those surveillance camera tapes are going to show that there was a middle eastern man running with him. Some of these people who gave affidavits were interviewed by the FBI during the course of the investigation. They were interviewed about the second person that they saw and the agents tried to make them say or suggested to them that the second person was Nichols. Every single one of these people said absolutely not, it was a middle-eastern type individual.
AJ: Al Hussani (sp)
DS: Now, listen to this. None of those investigative reports; none of those 302s have ever surfaced. So the FBI comes up with all these thousands of documents which they claimed they overlooked but the key ones where they tried to get them to say it was Nichols never surfaced
Here is one more story about the name of a resettled republican guard that was associated with the OKC Bombing
==============================================================
http://www.freerepublic.com/forum/a39d6eb725dac.htm
Khalil was the employer of a man who had been named as a Middle Eastern suspect in the OKC bombing, Al-Hussan Hussani, investigated by KFORTV of OKC. Hussani had served in Sadam Hussein’s Republican Guard in Iraq around the time of the Gulf War and is believed to have been brought to the US by Clinton over the objections of POW family members and some US Senators. KFORTV alleged that Hussani’s time card had been forged to make it appear that Hussani was not at the bomb site at 9 am on April 19, 1995.
KFORTV was sued by Hussani with the help of Khalil and the former law associate and campaign contributor of OK governor, Frank Keating. Hussani’s suit against KFORTV was officially ruled against and dismissed by Federal Judge Tim Leonard on September 29, 2000. At least one or more of KFORTV’s reporters still stands behind the story that Hussani helped McVeigh before and at the time of the bombing.
There is strong suspicion that Khalil and Hussani were known to our government before the OKC bombing and that Richardson was taken off the investigation of Khalil, Hussani’s employer, after the bombing to coverup the government’s foreknowledge and role in the OKC bombing. This also may have been a contributing factor in Richardson’s death, regardless of whether it was murder or suicide.
They were brought to help, and be seen at the OKC Bombing.
That fact was hidden for years, now they are using in as a reason to invade Iraq!
==============================================================================================================================
This article is a recent about how Iraq was involved in the OKC bombing.
http://www.worldnetdaily.com/news/article.asp?ARTICLE_ID=29606
Oklahoma City bombing John Doe No. 2?
--------------------------------------------------------------------------------
Posted: November 9, 2002
1:00 a.m. Eastern
By Notra Trulock
© 2002 WorldNetDaily.com
In 1995, the worst act of terrorism on American soil, prior to the 9/11 disaster, was committed in Oklahoma City.
On April 19, terrorists blew up the Murrah Federal Building and killed 168 Americans and wounded scores more. Not long after the bombing, Timothy McVeigh was arrested about 60 miles east of Oklahoma City and a few days later Terry Nichols surrendered to police in Herrington, Kansas. With those arrests, the Justice Department shut down any further investigation into who had committed this awful crime.
But like the Kennedy assassination, many Americans remained deeply skeptical about the government's assurances that McVeigh and Nichols acted alone in this horrible crime. And for good reason, as it seems that the FBI ignored important investigative leads, failed to interview potentially significant witnesses, and destroyed the Murrah building before experts could examine the crime scene.
The involvement of a John Doe No. 2 in the bombing has remained a simmering controversy. Skeptics ask why the FBI canceled an all-points-bulletin for a Middle Eastern male subject or subjects fleeing the scene issued in the immediate aftermath of the explosion. Numerous eyewitness accounts have identified Middle Eastern males in the company of McVeigh in the days and weeks before the bombing.
Dr. Frederic Whitehurst's allegations against the FBI crime lab sparked a Justice Department investigation that found the lab had provided "inaccurate pro-prosecution testimony in major cases including Oklahoma City." Retired Air Force General Benton K. Partin, an explosives expert, disputed the FBI's theory that the damage to the Murrah Building was caused by a single truck-bomb. His analyses were later endorsed by numerous physicists, physical chemists, and experts in structural mechanics as well as a series of live tests conducted at Eglin Air Force Base. These are just some of the lingering questions about the 1995 bombing.
Beyond covering McVeigh's execution and the FBI foul-ups that delayed it, the mainstream media have devoted little effort to digging into any of these questions. Concerned citizens have had to go to Internet media outlets like WorldNetDaily and NewsMax or be on the lookout for the occasional investigative report in obscure outlets like the Los Angeles Weekly or the London Evening Standard. In early September, the Wall Street Journal did one column on its editorial page about possible Iraqi involvement in Oklahoma City and the 1993 World Trade Center bombing, but seemed to lose interest after that.
One columnist who has refused to let the story die is James Patterson, an editorial writer at the Indianapolis Star. Patterson was one of the first to report a potential crack in the wall of silence erected around the Oklahoma City bombing by the government and the elite media.
Twice in recent months, Patterson has reported that Chairman Dan Burton's House Government Reform Committee investigators have uncovered the possible whereabouts of videotapes and photographs of the Murrah Federal Building from the day of the bombing. The Final Report of the Oklahoma Bombing Investigation Committee noted the existence of such tapes, but the Justice Department has adamantly refused to release them, even in response to Freedom of Information Act requests.
Burton believes that the tapes and photographs may be held in the archives of Naval Intelligence at the Washington Navy Yard and he has issued a subpoena to the Secretary of the Navy to obtain them. The tapes are said to contain video of a John Doe No. 2 getting out on the passenger side of the Ryder truck just prior to the explosion.
Former FBI Deputy Director Weldon Kennedy told the Philadelphia Inquirer that talk of withheld videotapes is "ludicrous and insulting." Kennedy says that agents nailed down "98 to 99 percent" of McVeigh and Nichols' movements in the months before the bombing and he is absolutely convinced they acted alone. Cate McCauley, who worked on McVeigh's appeal, goes beyond Kennedy and charges that talk of Middle Eastern men helping McVeigh is "perhaps the worse case of misinformation and pandering" she has come across. The allegations, she says, are easily refutable and those who promote them are "standing on the graves of thousands of people."
A quick, easy way to resolve the controversy over John Doe No. 2 would be to simply release the videotapes and photographs and let the American public judge for itself. Release the tapes and bring this case to closure. The victims of the Oklahoma City bombing deserve nothing less.
This article is from 1993 about the Iraqi resettlement.
=====================================================================
Los Angeles Times
August 24, 1993
IRAQ POWS PAID TO RESETTLE IN U.S.; LAWMAKERS PROTEST
By RICHARD A. SERRANO
The United States has begun resettling in this country up to 4,000 Iraqi soldiers who surrendered during the Persian Gulf War, an effort that has drawn criticism from a coalition of congressmen who believe the prisoners are receiving special treatment never awarded returning American soldiers.
The U.S. government is paying between $4,000 and $7,000 to relocate each of the enemy prisoners -- and in some cases their family members. They have been classified as refugees who would be harmed by Iraqi President Saddam Hussein if returned home.
The Iraqis are being scattered in small numbers to communities in California, Florida and elsewhere where they will have access to job opportunities, housing and federal social service programs. It is precisely that special consideration that has irked a bipartisan group of 75 members of Congress who are urging President Clinton to deny the refugee status to the Iraqi soldiers. "This is an incredibly bizarre set of priorities," said Rep. Cliff Stearns, a Florida Republican who sits on the House Veterans Affairs Committee.
"This nation's priorities regarding war veterans should be focusing on those who served in the American uniform, first and foremost," he said.
Added Rep. Earl Hutto (D-Fla.): "Given the choice, I would rather see that $4,000 go to one of our own veterans and not the people that were shooting at us."
Although prisoners of war are almost always sent home immediately after hostilities end, the situation this time represents a complicated and tangled footnote to an American war that was immensely successful.
This time, the enemy does not want to go home, preferring to embrace its foe.
By war's end, almost 110,000 enemy soldiers were taken to two camps in Saudi Arabia. The vast majority of them had been captured by United Nations coalition forces. They eventually were repatriated to Iraq under the auspices of the International Red Cross after Saddam Hussein issued a general amnesty.
But 4,000 remained in the camps. Most apparently had surrendered after reading leaflets dropped by U.S. planes that guaranteed their safety.
The government of Saudi Arabia has been housing them temporarily in the camps, along with 25,000 Iraqi civilians who fled their homes during the fighting and another 10,000 so-called freedom fighters who fought with the coalition against Hussein.
In early 1992, according to the State Department, it became clear that conditions in Iraq precluded the safe return of many of the 4,000 Iraqi soldiers and other refugees. The United Nations High Commissioner for Refugees concluded that other solutions, such as resettlement in other countries, had to be found.
Along with the United States, Sweden, Denmark and Norway also agreed to accept some of the camp refugees.
"These people are refugees under U.S. law," said a State Department official, who asked not to be identified. "They have been persecuted or have well-founded fears of persecution in their country.
"And the United States has a history of providing humanitarian assistance. I don't think all of these men were pointing rifles and shooting at U.N. coalition soldiers. A lot of them defected long before the ground war even started."
Many of the 4,000 soldiers were forced to join the Iraqi army or face death for refusing to enlist, he said.
"Most of the Iraqi solders were conscripted, and the coalition forces encouraged them to surrender," the State Department official said. "We dropped leaflets all over encouraging them to drop their arms, come over and we would take care of them."
Clinton Administration officials said that many of the Iraqi military prisoners were able to help the coalition forces in many ways during the war, such as providing information about Iraqi troop strength and maneuvers.
According to a State Department memorandum sent to congressional offices skeptical of the resettlement program, "many of those persons had provided valuable services to U.S. forces in the aftermath of the conflict."
The memo also said that since 1992, about 1,000 ex-soldiers and some of their family members have been brought to the United States. In addition to California and Florida, they also are resettling in Texas, Michigan and Illinois. The State Department would not name specific relocation sites.
Before entering the United States, they must be cleared by the FBI. They also must sign a promissory note to reimburse the U.S. government for their transportation costs after they become self-sufficient in America, a transition that government sources said usually takes about a year.
But under the government's Refugee Assistance Program, they are entitled to free help from a wide array of sources.
They can receive cash and free medical assistance if they have no financial resources of their own. They also are eligible for job training and English language schooling.
Many in Congress see the effort as an affront to the U.S. military, noting that returning Gulf War veterans did not receive such assistance. In a letter they plan to send to Clinton after seeking more signatures from members in Congress, those opposing the effort noted that the resettlement of Iraqi POWs ultimately could cost American taxpayers up to $70 million.
They expressed concern that many of the ex-soldiers could pose a safety threat to U.S. citizens despite the FBI clearances, pointing out that with international terrorism already hitting the United States, this "raises serious questions concerning our national security."
"This potentially dangerous and unfair policy can be stopped. We feel it is not wise to continue a policy that could eventually threaten the safety of our citizens and government officials," the letter said.
This is a BBC transcript showing Bush Sr. was bringing Arabs to train in the U.S.
============================================================
http://news.bbc.co.uk/1/hi/events/newsnight/1645527.stm
PALAST:
Newsnight has uncovered a long history of shadowy connections between the State Department, the CIA and the Saudis. The former head of the American visa bureau in Jeddah is Michael Springman.
MICHAEL SPRINGMAN:
In Saudi Arabia I was repeatedly ordered by high level State Dept officials to issue visas to unqualified applicants. These were, essentially, people who had no ties either to Saudi Arabia or to their own country. I complained bitterly at the time there. I returned to the US, I complained to the State Dept here, to the General Accounting Office, to the Bureau of Diplomatic Security and to the Inspector General's office. I was met with silence.
PALAST:
By now, Bush Sr, once CIA director, was in the White House. Springman was shocked to find this wasn't visa fraud. Rather, State and CIA were playing "the Great Game".
SPRINGMAN:
What I was protesting was, in reality, an effort to bring recruits, rounded up by Osama Bin Laden, to the US for terrorist training by the CIA. They would then be returned to Afghanistan to fight against the then-Soviets. ===========================================
Here is a radio interview about the Iraqs at the OKC Bombing.
===================================================================================
Radio interview with David Shippers, qoutes
http://www.infowars.com/transcript_schippers.html Mp3 available there also.
In this interview, "Iraqi Terrorists" refers to the Iraqi Republican Guard, resettled after the Gulf War, near Oklahoma City by former Pres. Bush.
In this interview, "Iraqi Terrorists" refers to the Iraqi Republican Guard, resettled after the Gulf War, near Oklahoma City by former Pres. Bush.
AJ: Wouldn't touch it. So we've got all this developing. We've got police officers and FBI on the ground who know who bombed Oklahoma City. They've got them in custody with blue jogging suits and bomb-making components. They are ordered to release them. All of this is unfolding - 3500 to 5000 Iraqi Republican Guard (living near OKC), we know there is a Saddam/Iraqi connection here - I mean they knew this. Why in the world, David Shippers, did they allow this to take place?
DS: She was an investigative reporter working for a TV station in Oklahoma City at the time of the bombing.
AJ: And they had these very middle-eastern Bin Laden, Saddam minions, interviewing these guys.
DS: Yes, absolutely. She identified by the name the guy who was the one. Recently, she came up with some evidence that another guy there actually admitted that he was part of the World Trade Center bombing. He's still walking around. I mean they are taking people into custody, they are offering rewards, but these guys are still there and still doing their little thing.
AJ: That's the point I'm trying to make. The government has their names, knows who the cells are, the 3500 Iraqi....
DS: I don't know if they do because when Jayna had all this material.. I'm talking about 3 giant loose-leaf binders full of affidavits and other material. This woman did a job of investigating that would make the Massad look bad.
AJ: The New York Times came in and bought up her TV station and got rid of her.
DS: Well, they bought up the TV station and got rid of her and also tried to make her turn over notes and films and stuff like that but she beat them court. She's still got them.
DS: Yea, Clinton made that statement. And they had a handy guy in McVeigh. I also know from affidavits that I have read that there were eyewitnesses who saw the middle eastern man running from the scene (OKC bombing) along side McVeigh.
AJ: And why don't the feds just release those 12 surveillance camera tapes if it is just McVeigh alone?
DS: Those surveillance camera tapes are going to show that there was a middle eastern man running with him. Some of these people who gave affidavits were interviewed by the FBI during the course of the investigation. They were interviewed about the second person that they saw and the agents tried to make them say or suggested to them that the second person was Nichols. Every single one of these people said absolutely not, it was a middle-eastern type individual.
AJ: Al Hussani (sp)
DS: Now, listen to this. None of those investigative reports; none of those 302s have ever surfaced. So the FBI comes up with all these thousands of documents which they claimed they overlooked but the key ones where they tried to get them to say it was Nichols never surfaced
Here is one more story about the name of a resettled republican guard that was associated with the OKC Bombing
==============================================================
http://www.freerepublic.com/forum/a39d6eb725dac.htm
Khalil was the employer of a man who had been named as a Middle Eastern suspect in the OKC bombing, Al-Hussan Hussani, investigated by KFORTV of OKC. Hussani had served in Sadam Hussein’s Republican Guard in Iraq around the time of the Gulf War and is believed to have been brought to the US by Clinton over the objections of POW family members and some US Senators. KFORTV alleged that Hussani’s time card had been forged to make it appear that Hussani was not at the bomb site at 9 am on April 19, 1995.
KFORTV was sued by Hussani with the help of Khalil and the former law associate and campaign contributor of OK governor, Frank Keating. Hussani’s suit against KFORTV was officially ruled against and dismissed by Federal Judge Tim Leonard on September 29, 2000. At least one or more of KFORTV’s reporters still stands behind the story that Hussani helped McVeigh before and at the time of the bombing.
There is strong suspicion that Khalil and Hussani were known to our government before the OKC bombing and that Richardson was taken off the investigation of Khalil, Hussani’s employer, after the bombing to coverup the government’s foreknowledge and role in the OKC bombing. This also may have been a contributing factor in Richardson’s death, regardless of whether it was murder or suicide.
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Wednesday, May 08, 2002
This is a partial transcript from The O'Reilly Factor, May 7 , 2002. Click here to order the complete transcript.
Watch The O'Reilly Factor every weeknight at 8 p.m. and 11 p.m. ET. And listen to The Radio Factor every weekday!
BILL O'REILLY, HOST: In the Unresolved Problems segment tonight, the true story behind the terror of 9/11.
Last year, we interviewed investigative reporter Jana (ph) Davis from Oklahoma, who believes there was a tie-in between the bombing in Oklahoma City and 9/11.
Joining us now from Washington is Larry Johnson, the former deputy director of the State Department's Office on Counter-terrorism under Presidents Bush and Clinton.
So you think there's some validity to this?
LARRY JOHNSON, FORMER STATE DEPARTMENT COUNTER-TERRORISM OFFICE DEPUTY DIRECTOR: I was skeptical at first, Bill. I took the evidence, I looked at it, and I started talking to some of the witnesses. Where there's smoke, there's fire. You've got several things going on here that have not been thoroughly looked at and need to be checked out.
For example...
O'REILLY: Go ahead.
JOHNSON: ... John Doe number two is probably a guy by the name of Hussein Hashema Husseini (ph), former Republican Guardsman. The guy he worked for is a fellow named Samir Khalil (ph). Samir Khalil was only interviewed once. He was interviewed just before the McVeigh trial. And nowhere in that interview did they ask him about the whereabouts of Husseina Husseini or the fact that Mr. Khalil has been allegedly linked to the Holy Land Foundation down in Texas.
Relevance of that, Holy Land Foundation was identified by the Bush administration as one of the charitable groups that's sending money to terrorists.
O'REILLY: All right. Now, you lost me...
JOHNSON: OK.
O'REILLY: ... and I think you lost a whole bunch of other people, so let's just pull back.
JOHNSON: All right.
O'REILLY: John Doe number two was the man who was seen with Timothy Mcveigh, correct?
JOHNSON: He was seen with Timothy Mcveigh three days before the bombing, the morning of the bombing. And he was seen by one of the witnesses getting out of the Ryder truck after it pulled up in front of the Murrow building. And he was seen driving away from there.
O'REILLY: All right, but the FBI has never really acknowledged that person, have they?
JOHNSON: Yes. They started off looking for it, and then it dried up. My concern is this angle was never pursued. And to this day, the FBI has refused to exonerate this man. They've refused to go out and check out his alibis. And the real thing that concerns me relevant to 9-11, when he left Oklahoma in around '96, '97, he we want to work at Logan Airport in Boston.
O'REILLY: All right, now, the man you are accusing of being John Doe number two is a man -- you said a former Republican guardsman. That's in Iraq, the Republican guardsman in Iraq.
JOHNSON: Correct.
O'REILLY: Now after he left Oklahoma City, you say he went to Logan Airport in Boston?
JOHNSON: That's correct.
O'REILLY: And then what happened to this man?
JOHNSON: We don't know where he is now.
O'REILLY: How long was he in Boston?
JOHNSON: He's been there at least since 1997.
O'REILLY: All right, but you don't know where he is now?
JOHNSON: Don't know where he is. In addition, Bill, he's -- there are two other former Iraqi...
O'REILLY: Well, let's stay with this guy.
JOHNSON: OK.
O'REILLY: But we should be able to trace this guy to Logan Airport, right?
JOHNSON: Absolutely.
O'REILLY: When he left, when he came?
JOHNSON: Absolutely.
O'REILLY: Do you know what happened to him?
JOHNSON: I do not. I've looked into it to the extent that I -- of what I can do with my limited resources.
O'REILLY: All right, well, we'll make some calls and try to find out when he left there. But he was gone when 9-11 happened, right?
JOHNSON: He was gone out of Oklahoma City when 9-11 happened. We don't know if he was gone from Logan Airport when 9-11 happened.
O'REILLY: OK, now, the Philippine connection, is there anything to that?
Was there any other eyewitnesses to individuals in or around that yellow Ryder truck? Yes. On May 23, 1997, during the trial, Daina Bradley testified. She was trapped in the building for five hours and had to have her leg amputated. Her mother, son and daughter were killed; her sister badly injured. She was there to get her son's social security number and an appointment for SSI. What can anyone say to Ms. Bradley about her loss? The Social Security office was on the first floor.
Mrs. Bradley was compelled to testify under a subpoena issued by the defense:
Q. All right. Did you tell them that you observed an individual get out of the passenger side of the vehicle?
A. Yes.
Q. Okay. And did you give them a description of the person?
A. Yeah.
Q. All right. And what did you tell them about the person that got out of the vehicle? Do you recall?
A. I recall telling them that -- that it was a olive-complexion man with short hair, curly, clean-cut. He had on a blue Starter jacket, blue jeans, and tennis shoes and a white hat with purple flames.
Q. All right. And did you tell him that -- or tell them that he was wearing a baseball cap?
A. Yes.
Q. And did you also tell them when you talked to them on May the 3d and 4th that you observed him from a side view?
A. Yes.
Q. And did you also tell the FBI what this person did when he got out of the Ryder truck?
A. Yes.
Q. And what did you tell them?
A. I had told him that -- I told them that he had got out of the truck, went to the back of the truck, and proceeded to walk very fast forward in front of the truck. He went back on the sidewalk and left.
Resettling Iraqi POWs in U.S. Criticized;
Lawmakers Urge Clinton to End 'Potentially Dangerous' Policy, By William Claiborne
More than 80 members of Congress have asked President Clinton to end what they called the "potentially dangerous and unfair policy" of resettling captured Iraqi soldiers in the United States along with deserving civilian Iraqi refugees.
Nearly 1,000 Iraqi soldiers captured by U.S. forces during the 1991 Persian Gulf War have been resettled at public expense in cities across the United States. They are among nearly 3,000 Iraqi refugees -- the majority of them civilians -- who have been resettled in the United States from internment camps in Saudi Arabia.
Another 3,000 Iraqi former POWs and their families are scheduled to be moved here on humanitarian grounds, the complaining House members said. According to the State Department, the former prisoners were conscripted into the Iraqi Army against their will and have now been classified by international agencies as refugees who face persecution by Iraqi President Saddam Hussein's regime if they return home. Many of the former POWs provided valuable services to U.S. forces in the aftermath of the war, administration officials said.
But congressional critics have challenged the notion of charging taxpayers to resettle former enemies, particularly at a time of national budget-cutting. Rep. Clifford B. Stearns (R-Fla.) accused the administration of a "bizarre set of priorities" for going to great length to accommodate combatants who participated in the "rape of Kuwait," while 8.9 million jobless Americans cannot afford the basic necessities of life.
"When we dropped those leaflets on the [Iraqi] Republican Guard, we did not include a plane ticket to Middle America and welfare entitlement benefits. When those guys realized the war was lost, they changed into civilian clothes and surrendered, and now we're rolling out the red carpet," Stearns added in a telephone interview from Ocala, Fla.
A State Department official said yesterday that the resettlement of the former Iraqi soldiers was "only a small part of a worldwide admission program for Iraqi refugees in which a number of countries are participating." The official said that resettled refugees routinely are required to sign a promissory note for their air fare to the United States, which they are expected to repay in installments once they become self-sufficient here.
Nonetheless, a bipartisan group of 75 members of Congress has sent a letter of protest to President Clinton, saying that the estimated resettlement costs of up to $ 70 million would be better spent on veterans' services for the American soldiers against whom the Iraqis fought.
"We find it disturbing that American taxpayers must fund the travel of former Iraqi soldiers (who took up arms against our own soldiers) to the U.S. Ironically, we provide the [POWs] with welfare services while asking our own veterans and service personnel to bear the burdens of deficit reduction," declared the letter, which was initiated by Rep. Donald A. Manzullo (R-Ill.).
Another letter to the president, drafted by Stearns and signed by seven House colleagues from Florida, described as "an anomaly" a policy that makes former enemy soldiers eligible for costly medical care, housing assistance and job placement while social-safety-net programs for Americans are being reduced.
Both groups of representatives also warned that the resettled Iraqis could pose a national security threat.
Stearns said the Office of Refugee Resettlement estimated the average cost to settle one refugee in the United States at up to $ 7,000. But he said this figure does not include "up-front health care that could escalate the cost by thousands of dollars."
Both groups of House members asked Clinton to issue an executive order denying refugee status to additional Iraqi soldiers still in detention in Saudi Arabia, particularly since the Iraqi government continues to defy United Nations restrictions imposed at the end of the war.
Nearly 110,000 Iraqi soldiers who were captured or who surrendered were taken to two camps in Saudi Arabia at the war's end in February 1991. Most of them were repatriated to Iraq after Saddam issued a general amnesty to deserters, but about 13,000 remained in the camps and said they did not want to go home, according to a State Department memorandum to Manzullo's office dated Aug. 12.
The former prisoners were determined by the International Committee of the Red Cross and the U.N. High Commissioner for Refugees (UNHCR) to have civilian status and to be refugees, according to the State Department memo.
The government of Saudi Arabia has continued to house the prisoners, along with about 25,000 Iraqi civilians who fled their homes during the fighting and sought refuge in Saudi Arabia.
"The ratio of civilians to former POWs, and therefore to our resettlement program, is about two to one. The refugees, both civilian and former military, are from a variety of Iraqi ethnic groups (Shia Moslem, Turkoman and Assyrian) which have long been targets for repression by Iraq," the State Department memo said.
Digitally blurred photo results in lawsuit
Grand jury examines controversial telecast
By Paul Queary
Associated Press Writer
Posted September 21, 1997
OKLAHOMA CITY (AP) -- A former reporter who broadcast controversial stories about mystery suspect John Doe No. 2 distanced herself from some conspiracy theories surrounding the Oklahoma City bombing before testifying before a grand jury investigating those theories.
A few weeks after the April 19, 1995, bombing, KFOR-TV aired a story by Jayna Davis suggesting that mystery suspect John Doe No. 2 was an Iraqi-born busboy living in Oklahoma City. The man sued the station for defamation, invasion of privacy and emotional distress. She also aired several other stories about John Doe No. 2 sightings.
''After her two-year exhaustive investigation, she has turned up no credible evidence that supports the theory that the federal government had sufficient prior warning to prevent the bombing,'' said Tim McCoy, Ms. Davis' lawyer, as the two arrived Friday.
''She also doesn't believe at this time in any multiple explosive charges theories or that a government informant worked in conjunction with the bombers,'' McCoy said.
The men who led the drive to empanel the grand jury believe the federal Bureau of Alcohol, Tobacco and Firearms had prior knowledge of the bombing and avoided the federal building on the morning of the blast. They also believe federal prosecutors have ignored evidence of other conspirators besides Timothy McVeigh and Terry Nichols.
Prosecutors now doubt a larger conspiracy, and the ATF denies any advance knowledge of the bombing that killed 168 people.
Ms. Davis testified for nearly six hours Thursday and Friday. Before she returned Friday, another witness, identified as Raymond M. Klish, appeared before the panel for less than an hour.
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The Daily Oklahoman reported Klish, a clerk at the U.S. post office across from the federal building when the bombing occurred, was expected to testify about an alleged sighting of McVeigh and John Doe 2 in the post office.
Klish worked with Debbie Nakanashi, another postal clerk, who previously testified before the grand jury.
Klish declined to answer reporters' questions as he left the Oklahoma County jail where the jury has been meeting.
''No comment. Ya'll have a good morning. OK?'' Klish said.
After a nationwide manhunt for John Doe No. 2, federal prosecutors announced that the FBI sketch of the dark-haired, muscular suspect actually depicted an innocent Army private.
The face of the man singled out by Ms. Davis' story on June 7, 1995, was digitally blurred, and Al-Hussaini-Hussain, the man who sued, was not named. However, Hussain's attorneys maintain he was indirectly identified. And they said he had been assured by the FBI that he was not a suspect. The lawsuit was later dropped.
''The stories speak for themselves,'' McCoy said.
The grand jury was empaneled June 30 after a petition drive by state Rep. Charles Key, R-Oklahoma City, and Glenn Wilburn, an Oklahoma City accountant whose two young grandsons were killed in the blast. Wilburn died of pancreatic cancer shortly after the panel convened. Both men were admirers of Ms. Davis' work.
After Friday's testimony, the grand jury recessed until Oct. 6. About 30 witnesses have testified, including most of the people on a list Key proffered to the grand jury.
Key says he is preparing a supplemental list that may include as many as 40 or 50 other witnesses.
McVeigh was convicted June 2 on federal murder and conspiracy charges and given the death penalty. His former Army buddy, Nichols, faces a Sept. 29 trial on the same charges.
http://www.ardmoreite.com/stories/092197/news/n...
Al-Hussaini, after OKC worked Boston airport (english)
Please watch the video above for those that want more info about the blurred out pictures. Here are some qoute from the article below.
"AND SHE LOCATED two dozen witnesses who identified eight specific Middle Eastern men, the majority of whom were ex-Iraqi soldiers, who were seen with McVeigh and Nichols. Two witnesses named Al-Hussaini as the dark-haired, olive-skinned man they observed one block from the Murrah Building just before daybreak on the day of the blast."
"As for Al-Hussaini, after leaving Oklahoma City, he went on to work at Boston's Logan International Airport, the point of origin for several for the 9/11 hijackers, including Mohammad Atta.
One more thing. That motel where McVeigh, Nichols and Al-Hussaini were seen together was later visited (pre-9/11) by Atta, Zacharias Moussaouy and Marwan Al-Shehi."
"He even sported a tattoo on his upper left arm indicating that he likely had served in Saddam Hussein's Republican Guard."
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And now from the reports abouve the Al-Hussaini quit his job at the airport and is in hiding, the FBI won't touch this. They are protecting this guy.====================================
http://www.philly.com/mld/dailynews/news/opinion/4201780.htm
Michael Smerconish | CONSPIRACY: The Okla. City-Sept. 11 Connection
By Michael Smerconish
mas [at] mastalk.com
I'M NOT A conspiracy guy. I think Oswald killed Kennedy, and that he acted alone. And, like all Americans, I figured that the tragic bombing of the Murrah Building in Oklahoma City was the work of two sick ex-Army guys, Timothy McVeigh and Terry Nichols.
Now I'm not so sure.
Last night, my radio station, the Big Talker 1210, brought three speakers to town for a remarkable presentation: Jayna Davis, a reporter from Oklahoma City; Larry Johnson, ex-deputy director of the State Department's office of counterterrorism, and Patrick Lang, Mideast expert formerly of the Defense Intelligence Agency.
In a spellbinding presentation, they made the case for a connection between Mideast terrorism, the Murrah bombing - and the attacks on the Twin Towers.
Now I know why former CIA Director James Woolsey has been quoted as saying that when the full truth is known about these acts of terrorism, the nation will owe Davis "a debt of gratitude."
Why her name is not already a household word is the greatest mystery of all. Just this week, Defense Secretary Donald Rumsfeld said that U.S. intelligence has "bulletproof" evidence of links between al Qaeda and Saddam Hussein. Rumsfeld didn't offer specifics. But here is what we know from the work of Davis.
When the Murrah bombing occurred at 9:02 a.m. on April 19, 1995, Davis was a reporter for the NBC affiliate in Oklahoma City. She was among the first journalists to broadcast that an enormous truck bomb had rocked the heartland, killing 168 and injuring hundreds.
In the immediate aftermath of the explosion, the FBI launched an international pursuit of several Middle Eastern-looking men seen fleeing the Murrah Building in a brown Chevy pickup right before the blast. Without explanation, that all-points bulletin was later canceled. Two days later, Timothy McVeigh was a household name. So was Terry Nichols.
And that's where most of us left the tale. Stunned, but convinced that two Army buddies, homegrown terrorists, acted alone.
Thankfully, Davis didn't close this book as quickly as most of us did. She pursued the APB and set off to track reports of multiple sightings of McVeigh with an elusive dark-haired accomplice. The infamous sketch of John Doe No. 2 was always tucked firmly in her grip.
Davis soon uncovered that several employees at an Oklahoma City property- management company said they had seen a brown Chevy truck like the getaway vehicle aggressively pursued by law enforcement parked outside their office in the days before the bombing. The company's owner was a Palestinian with a rap sheet and suspected ties to the PLO.
Davis learned that, six months before the bombing, the Palestinian hired a handful of ex-Iraqi soldiers to do maintenance at his rental houses. Eyewitnesses told Davis that they celebrated the bombing.
She was also made aware that these same men were absent from work on April 17, 1995, the day McVeigh rented the Ryder truck that carried the bomb.
While pursuing the story of these Middle Eastern men, Davis also became aware of another ex-Iraqi soldier in Oklahoma City named Hussain Hashem Al-Hussaini. She was taken aback to see that Al-Hussaini's picture, when overlaid with the government sketch of John Doe No. 2, was arguably a perfect match. He even sported a tattoo on his upper left arm indicating that he likely had served in Saddam Hussein's Republican Guard.
Davis then set about looking for a connection to McVeigh, Nichols, Al-Hussaini and other Iraqis. It came when a colleague located two eyewitnesses who claimed to have independently seen Al-Hussaini drinking beer with McVeigh in an Oklahoma City nightclub just four days before the bombing.
This convinced her station to run with the Iraqi-connection story. It was met with some controversy.
The Justice Department responded that the identification of John Doe No. 2 was merely a case of mistaken identity. Al-Hussaini contacted local reporters, claiming to be falsely accused. Davis did not back off because she believed she could repudiate Al-Hussaini's alibi.
AND SHE LOCATED two dozen witnesses who identified eight specific Middle Eastern men, the majority of whom were ex-Iraqi soldiers, who were seen with McVeigh and Nichols. Two witnesses named Al-Hussaini as the dark-haired, olive-skinned man they observed one block from the Murrah Building just before daybreak on the day of the blast.
She also uncovered evidence that implicated several of Al-Hussaini's co-workers. One of these men was identified as sitting in the driver's seat of a Chevy pickup at an Oklahoma City apartment complex hours before the truck was abandoned on the lot and towed to the FBI command post. According to police records, the truck had been stripped of its vehicle identification numbers and identifying body molding.
The story gathered steam. Here, it would appear, was the deserted pickup that was the same vehicle that was seen speeding away from the vicinity of the Murrah building with two Arab-looking occupants.
And there was more. Five witnesses independently fingered several of Al-Hussaini's associates as frequent visitors to an Oklahoma City motel in the months, days, and hours leading up to 9:02 a.m. on April 19. On numerous occasions, the subjects were seen in the company of McVeigh, and during a few instances, associating with Nichols - at the same motel!
Davis spoke to the motel owner and a maintenance worker who said the men came within feet of a large Ryder truck parked on the west side of the parking lot at 7:40 a.m. on April 19. An unexplained odor of diesel fuel emanated from the rear carriage. Minutes later, McVeigh entered the motel office and returned the room key. The motel owner then saw McVeigh drive off the lot with a man identified as Al-Hussaini.
To this day, the Justice Department has refused to return the original registration logs for the motel.
Davis has 80 pages of affidavits and 2,000 supporting documents, and they suggest not only an Iraqi connection to the Murrah bombing, but also to the attacks against the Twin Towers.
For example, Nichols was a man of modest means. Yet he traveled frequently to the Philippines. Davis discovered that Nichols was there, in Cebu City in December 1994, at the same time as the convicted mastermind of the first World Trade Center attack, Ramzi Yousef.
She has also found evidence that Islamic terrorists boasted of having recruited two "lily whites" for terrorism.
Al-Hussaini had a very American response to Davis' investigation. He sued for defamation. In a ruling on Nov. 17, 1999, federal Judge Timothy Leonard dismissed the case.
In 1995, the federal grand jury proclaimed in the official indictment that McVeigh and Nichols acted with "others unknown." And several members of the Denver juries who convicted the two said publicly that they thought they had help.
Since 1997, Davis has repeatedly tried to interest the FBI in her investigation. She has been rebuffed.
As for Al-Hussaini, after leaving Oklahoma City, he went on to work at Boston's Logan International Airport, the point of origin for several for the 9/11 hijackers, including Mohammad Atta.
One more thing. That motel where McVeigh, Nichols and Al-Hussaini were seen together was later visited (pre-9/11) by Atta, Zacharias Moussaouy and Marwan Al-Shehi.
The Iraqis were involved in Oklahoma City? Yeah, right after they bombed Pearl Harbor!
So if you have a problem with that theory you should call them nuts also.
Federal agents in the US are hunting for about 3,000 illegal Iraqi immigrants who have gone missing, The Washington Post has reported.
It is feared some could be connected with extremist groups or be agents of Iraqi leader Saddam Hussein, unnamed officials told the newspaper.