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WE SUPPORT YOU CYNTHIA!
McKinney's minions march to different, heroic drummer
It's worse than we thought. Not only is Rep. Cynthia McKinney, D-Ga., possibly a delusional paranoiac, but she has lots of company as well as admirers, not only among America's poor 'n oppressed - her beloved constituents - but among certain anti-American individuals and organizations abroad, also known as terrorists.
The enemy, indeed, is within.
I dislike revisiting a topic so soon - I wrote a column a few days ago about McKinney's loony charge that George Bush knew about the 9-11 terrorist attacks in advance. By her assertion, Bush effectively is guilty of mass murder and collusion with the enemy, all because he and his pals stood to gain monetarily through defense-related investments.
While I'm still confident that most Americans can readily spot a fool, there are enough "folks," to borrow a Bush euphemism, who think she's right to warrant a worried second glance. As one of her defenders wrote me:
"Some clear-eyed citizens see this woman as an astute observer of the national scene, and as one who has bravely stepped forward to voice the opinion of millions of us who have been denied a voice since President Bush's selection."
Which is to say, the terrorists don't have to win. They've got us working for them. We're the sleep-walking damsel who keeps opening the dadgum basement door even as the audience screams: "No, don't do it. Don't do it!"
We know McKinney is in the basement, working her curious magic on the clueless, but we keep tolerating her anyway. My guess is that McKinney has enjoyed immunity from close scrutiny owing to a sense that she's harmless. She's cute and has a big smile, couldn't hurt a flea. She's black, which means people give her a pass lest they be perceived racist. She's got a bizarrely gerrymandered district that ensures her race-based longevity regardless of qualifications.
And she's got people from Decatur to Ramallah believing that Bush not only knew about 9-11, but also was behind it. Another e-mailer, a Holy Land tour coordinator with 25 years experience in the Middle East, said she had just spoken with a friend in Ramallah, who regurgitated McKinney's conspiracy theory. She wrote:
"If you see 'Cynth,' kindly tell her that Arab TV networks appreciate her comments for they now have the needed 'proof' that their paranoia is rational."
We've got serious problems, and we need serious people, as fictional President Andrew Shepherd said in "The American President." And we no longer can afford to tolerate people like McKinney who should never be taken seriously. Can we stifle her? Nope. Can we impeach her, as I half-jokingly suggested in the previous column? Unlikely.
But we can and should investigate her as passionately as she demands we investigate Bush's "involvement" in the 9-11 terrorist attacks. We might begin with her campaign contributions, available for public viewing on the Web site of The Center for Responsive Politics, a non-profit, non-partisan group that follows the money. (http://www.opensecrets.org/indivs/cgi-win/indivsprofile.exe?H2GA11016)
There you'll find names such as Abdurahman Alamoudi, founder and former executive director of the American Muslim Council, who donated to McKinney during the 1999-2000 election cycle. Alamoudi who? Let's roll the tape, provided by the Southeastern Legal Foundation, an Atlanta-based constitutional law firm and policy center that's calling for a congressional investigation of McKinney.
Here's Alamoudi at an October 2000 protest of U.S. policies in the Middle East:
"I have been labeled by the media in New York as being a supporter of Hamas. Anybody (sic) supporters of Hamas here?" he asked a cheering crowd. "Hear that, Bill Clinton? We are all supporters of Hamas. … I wish they added that I am also a supporter of Hezbollah."
Hamas and Hezbollah are both on the State Department's official list of terrorist organizations. None of which is to suggest that Cynthia McKinney is a terrorist, or a terrorist sympathizer, or even a socialist rabble-rouser who despises her own country. On the other hand, using McKinney's own talent for inferential dot-connecting, she just might be.
The enemy, indeed, is within.
I dislike revisiting a topic so soon - I wrote a column a few days ago about McKinney's loony charge that George Bush knew about the 9-11 terrorist attacks in advance. By her assertion, Bush effectively is guilty of mass murder and collusion with the enemy, all because he and his pals stood to gain monetarily through defense-related investments.
While I'm still confident that most Americans can readily spot a fool, there are enough "folks," to borrow a Bush euphemism, who think she's right to warrant a worried second glance. As one of her defenders wrote me:
"Some clear-eyed citizens see this woman as an astute observer of the national scene, and as one who has bravely stepped forward to voice the opinion of millions of us who have been denied a voice since President Bush's selection."
Which is to say, the terrorists don't have to win. They've got us working for them. We're the sleep-walking damsel who keeps opening the dadgum basement door even as the audience screams: "No, don't do it. Don't do it!"
We know McKinney is in the basement, working her curious magic on the clueless, but we keep tolerating her anyway. My guess is that McKinney has enjoyed immunity from close scrutiny owing to a sense that she's harmless. She's cute and has a big smile, couldn't hurt a flea. She's black, which means people give her a pass lest they be perceived racist. She's got a bizarrely gerrymandered district that ensures her race-based longevity regardless of qualifications.
And she's got people from Decatur to Ramallah believing that Bush not only knew about 9-11, but also was behind it. Another e-mailer, a Holy Land tour coordinator with 25 years experience in the Middle East, said she had just spoken with a friend in Ramallah, who regurgitated McKinney's conspiracy theory. She wrote:
"If you see 'Cynth,' kindly tell her that Arab TV networks appreciate her comments for they now have the needed 'proof' that their paranoia is rational."
We've got serious problems, and we need serious people, as fictional President Andrew Shepherd said in "The American President." And we no longer can afford to tolerate people like McKinney who should never be taken seriously. Can we stifle her? Nope. Can we impeach her, as I half-jokingly suggested in the previous column? Unlikely.
But we can and should investigate her as passionately as she demands we investigate Bush's "involvement" in the 9-11 terrorist attacks. We might begin with her campaign contributions, available for public viewing on the Web site of The Center for Responsive Politics, a non-profit, non-partisan group that follows the money. (http://www.opensecrets.org/indivs/cgi-win/indivsprofile.exe?H2GA11016)
There you'll find names such as Abdurahman Alamoudi, founder and former executive director of the American Muslim Council, who donated to McKinney during the 1999-2000 election cycle. Alamoudi who? Let's roll the tape, provided by the Southeastern Legal Foundation, an Atlanta-based constitutional law firm and policy center that's calling for a congressional investigation of McKinney.
Here's Alamoudi at an October 2000 protest of U.S. policies in the Middle East:
"I have been labeled by the media in New York as being a supporter of Hamas. Anybody (sic) supporters of Hamas here?" he asked a cheering crowd. "Hear that, Bill Clinton? We are all supporters of Hamas. … I wish they added that I am also a supporter of Hezbollah."
Hamas and Hezbollah are both on the State Department's official list of terrorist organizations. None of which is to suggest that Cynthia McKinney is a terrorist, or a terrorist sympathizer, or even a socialist rabble-rouser who despises her own country. On the other hand, using McKinney's own talent for inferential dot-connecting, she just might be.
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"...methinks thou doth protest too much..."
By Steve Sosbee
May 1990, Page 5
The Israeli military has developed standardized terminology for
the deaths or injuries occurring daily during the third year of the
uprising in Israeli-occupied Palestine.
If the victim is shot in the streets he is described as having been
"masked," participating in or promoting "violent activity," and
often shot only after "attacking soldiers." An "Arab witness" may
report an entirely different tale, or that the victimwas shot in the
back of the head without warning, but this will almost never be
mentioned (unless ABC-TV films it). If a Palestinian dies in
prison, it's generally called a I 'suicide." If it happens during the
first weeks of interrogation, however, it will likely be described as
"heart failure." Because there will bean "official investigation"
into every incident, though the results of such investigations are
almost never made known, the point has been made: Israel is a
democracy and the territories it occupies are governed by law.
The following story of the death of a young Palestinian is the
result of extensive interviews with his lawyer, family, friends,
witnesses, doctors and neighbors during the months immediately
following his death. The Israeli military refused comment.
A Simple Desire
Jamal Abu Sharakh, a 23-year-old Palestinian born in the Beach
Camp (Shatti) near Gaza City, wanted desperately during the
summer of 1989 to obtain permission from Israeli occupation
authorities to travel abroad. "Jamal wanted to study in Jordan to
be an auto mechanic," explains Nasser, Jamal's older brother.
"He said that if he had to wait any longer he would be too old,
that the prime of his youth would be wasted, and that he would
have to start thinking about a wife and family and a job."
Jamal's chances for such permission seemed better than most.
Unlike most men in the Beach Camp, he had never been in
prison or shot. "Like everyone here he hated the occupation, but
he wasn't so politically active," recalls Ahmed, Jamal's neighbor.
"When the army invaded the camp, we would all go out to fight. I
can remember only a few times he was with us."
Last September, Jamal went repeatedly to the Civil
Administration in Gaza to obtain permission to go abroad, each
time being told to "come back next week."
"It's a game they play with everyone," says Rami al-Hagazi, a
lawyer from Khan Younis. "Eventually, you'll get frustrated and
stop going."
Jamal persisted, however, perhaps leading the Israelis to believe
that he was desperate enough to do anything. "It was obvious he
wanted out badly," says Ahmed.
In October, Jamal moved out of his brother Nasser's house in
Shatti and began living with his family in Sheikh Radwan, a
resettlement area nearby. One night, in early October, Jamal was
visited by the Israeli security officer" for Sheikh Radwan.
"The Shin Bet man told Jamal that he would give him permission
to go to Jordan if he would do some work for him, give him
names of active youths, that type of stuff," Yasser, Jamal's best
friend, remembers. "He gave him a day to think about it."
Two days later, on October 11, the Shin Bet officer returned
carrying Jamal's permission to leave in his hand. "Jamal wasn't
into the confrontations with the army," says Ahmed. "But he was
from Shatti and we are raised strong here. He would never turn in
his friends just to get out."
That night Jamal reportedly told the Shin Bet officer that he would
not collaborate with him against his own people. "He said, 'I'm a
Palestinian, please don't ask me to be a traitor,"' recalls Bashir,
Jamal's oldest brother. Upon hearing this, the Shin Bet officer
took Jamal's permission, ripped it up in front of him and threw it
in his face. That was his final answer. Jamal would not be leaving
the Gaza Strip to study.
Jamal was crushed. "For days he walked around the house
quietly," says his mother. "He wouldn't eat or speak." On October
13, 1989, Jamal borrowed Bashir's car to run an errand for his
father in the city. When he passed the army camp that separates
Shatti from Sheikh Radwan he saw the Shin Bet officer standing
along with a uniformed officer from the army. Reportedly, Jamal
circled the car around, gunned the engine, and ran over the two
men. The Shin Bet officer had to have both legs amputated as a
result of his injuries.
The camp guard ran up to the car, shot Jamal in the shoulder, leg
and stomach, and left him for dead. A filling station attendant who
saw the incident recalls, "Some boys quickly took Jamal and put
him in a passing car. The soldiers were mostly concerned with
the two injured Israelis."
A doctor at Shifa hospital, where Jamal was taken, and who
asked not to be identified by name, remembers Jamal's arrival.
"He was in a bad state so we operated on him as quickly as
possible. When the soldiers arrived to take him they were very
angry. Their officer said that 'an Arab had tried to kill a Jew' and
that he wanted Jamal now. I pleaded with them to wait until we
finished the operation, because we were not sure he would live."
The soldiers left him in the hospital, under guard.
When Jamal's brother, Bashir, arrived at the Shifa hospital, he
was immediately arrested. "I spent three days in Ashkelon Prison
and ten days in Gaza. The Shin Bet wanted information from me
about my brother and they tried the usual methods to get it. After
two weeks they released me, because my brother had
confessed."
On October 17, after he was out of the critical stage, Jamal was
taken to the Ramle prison hospital, where, on November 3, his
parents and two brothers visited him.
"He was in good spirits and almost well enough to get out of the
hospital," Jamal's father recalls. "He said his interrogation was
finished because he had told them he had run over the men on
purpose."
Thankful to Be Alive
On Nov. 7, the Red Cross reported that Jamal had been moved
to Ashkelon prison, where his parents and sister visited him on
Nov. 9. "He asked for clothes and to see his lawyer," his sister,
Samira, recalls. "He said there were many Palestinians in jail
with him and he was being helped by them. When we were
leaving he told my father he was just 'thankful to be alive.'"
On Nov. 13 Raji Sourani, Jamal's lawyer and one of Gaza's most
respected attorneys, went to Ashkelon to visit his client. but I
earned that Jamal had been moved to Gaza Central Prison in
Rimal, and put into isolation. His family and lawyer had their
requests to see him denied. Even the Red Cross could not get in
to see him. "It was as if he was under interrogation again," says
Raji. "For the next two weeks no one could see him, not even his
parents. Other clients of mine from inside the prison reported that
Jamal was indeed again under interrogation."
On Nov. 27, the Red Cross was finally permitted to see him and
reported to his family that his injuries were healing, that he was in
good spirits, and had asked again to see his lawyer. Raji tried
more than 10 times to see Jamal, and each time was refused.
Futile Attempts
On Dec. 1, Jamal's mother went to the prison to see her son.
They told her to wait and they would bring him to her. She waited
for more than eight hours, but didn't see him. On Dec. 4, Raji
went to Gaza Prison to see Jamal and four other clients. "The
guard told me, 'Get out, I have orders not to let you see any of
your cases.’"
Back at his office, Raji was told by another lawyer who had just
returned from visiting clients in prison that Jamal had been killed
the previous night in his cell. He had been hanged during an
interrogation.
Late in the evening on Dec. 4 the army sent a jeep to Jamal's
house and picked up Bashir to take him to see the governor of
Gaza. Bashir was told that his brother had committed suicide in
his cell that day. Bashir was stunned, "I told them that my brother
would never kill himself. The Shin Bet killed him just like they tried
to kill me two months ago. I asked to see his cell and they
refused."
As a lawyer in Gaza, Raji knew that "suicide" was a euphemism
for murder. "No one kills himself in prison here. It is virtually
impossible to hang oneself in the cells."
On Dec. 5, Raji asked that the official autopsy be postponed until
a Danish physician, Dr. Jorgen Thompsson, could fly to Israel to
assist in Jamal's autopsy. On Dec. 9, Thompsson confirmed that
Jamal's death was from strangulation by hanging.
"The question is, of course, how can someone recently shot hang
himself in a cell that is supposed to be made 'suicide proof'?"
Raji Sourani asks. "It is my opinion as a lawyer that Jamal was
killed because he committed a unique crime. He seriously
injured a Shin Bet officer. It is also suspicious that Jamal was
brought back to Gaza. I think it was planned to make an example
of him."
Two weeks after Jamal's death I visited his family on a rainy
winter afternoon. Dozens of Jamal's family and friends sat quietly
around his picture, waiting for the military to return Jamal's body
for burial. Jamal's brother Nasser said the army had just blown
up his house in the Beach Camp in retaliation for Jamal's act.
Nasser's wife and four children are now sleeping in his father's
house. "We have to get out soon, it's his workshop we are living
in, and he has to work."
Bashir, unshaven and with bloodshot eyes, explains, "We don't
sleep because the army can call us at any time to bring back the
body." Jamal's father, a refugee from 1948, asks, "What do they
want of Jamal now? They have shot him and put him in prison
and beat him. He committed a crime and paid for it, but why
make us wait for his body like this?" He's crying.
On Dec. 18, almost two weeks after the autopsy, the army finally
brought Jamal's body to his waiting family at I I p.m. The army
ordered an immediate burial, permitting only 15 relatives to
attend.
Another Voice
On Feb. 6, 1 was in a taxi to Gaza when a young man next to me
began to converse in English. "You remind me of a Canadian
fellow I met in a taxi last July," he said. "He came to my house for
lunch and I took him around to see the camps. When I was taking
him back to Erez checkpoint, a jeep stopped us and we were
arrested on the charges that I was working for the PLO. The
Canadian was released after two days but I spent four months in
jail for nothing."
I asked him about his prison experience.
"The interrogation is the worst part. I will never forget how they
tortured me: a bag was put over my head, a heavy wool one, and
my arms were tied behind my back at the elbows. While one man
kneeled on my chest and closed my nose and mouth so I couldn't
breathe, another man was squeezing my organs. If they don't
release you at the right time you can die. I swear I saw death five
times during my first week."
I asked him where he was in prison.
"At first they took me to Ashkelon for the interrogation. After a
month I was taken to the Central Prison in Gaza."
"Do you remember the boy who committed suicide in Gaza
prison in early December?" He replied, "Of course I remember.
His name was Jamal, I think. I heard him screaming as they
hanged him in his cell.
"But it was reported that he committed suicide, that he hanged
himself."
"Don't believe them!" the young man exclaimed. "You cannot
hang yourself there and he was screaming when they hanged
him. I heard it myself. He was murdered."
Two weeks after the death of Jamal Abu Sharakh, another
prisoner, Khaled Kamal Sheikh-Ali, died during interrogation in
Gaza Central Prison. The official cause or death was "heart
failure."
Why would the Jewish World Review be so resistant to an investigation into the events of 9/11?
You can reach the quisling Kathleen Parker at :
bljolkov [at] jewishworldreview.com
or at:
kparker [at] kparker.com
Or would you rather just continue whining about why it has not been done?