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Wilson Riles' Challenge of Jerry Brown Raised the People's Issues

by Jonathan Nack (jnack [at] igc.org)
The proposals Riles championed included: requiring that 25 percent of new housing construction be affordable, a Just Cause Eviction ordinance to protect tenants, comprehensive living wage ordinances and support for union organizing, city funding in support of all public schools, real community policing and police accountability, support for community organizing, and economic development that would benefit everyone.
WILSON RILES' CHALLENGE OF JERRY BROWN RAISED THE PEOPLE’S ISSUES

by Jonathan Nack Special for Independent Politics News

OAKLAND - Oakland's left did not unseat Jerry Brown (I) in the Mayoral election on March 5, 2002, but did manage to frame the issues which were debated. A new progressive coalition came together behind Wilson Riles, Jr. (D) to wage a surprisingly strong campaign which forced Brown to fend off charges that his policies are spurring gentrification and against the interests of most working people.

Brown won the election handily, with 63 percent to Riles’ 37 percent, of a very low voter turnout of 34 percent. However, the impact of Riles’ left-wing grassroots campaign could not be ignored and Brown commented afterwards, "we’ll have to take another look at some of their proposals."

The proposals Riles championed included: requiring that 25 percent of new housing construction be affordable, a Just Cause Eviction ordinance to protect tenants, comprehensive living wage ordinances and support for union organizing, city funding in support of all public schools, real community policing and police accountability, support for community organizing, and economic development that would benefit everyone.

The Riles campaign was born out of disappointment in Brown felt by progressives. Shortly after taking office in 1998, Brown antagonized Oakland's anti-war movement by inviting the U.S. Marines in to conduct urban warfare training exercises. All of Brown’s center-piece projects subsequently came under criticism from the left. His focus on charter schools as the solution to the crisis in public education, and particularly his founding of a charter military high school, was criticized for ignoring the vast majority of students. His plan to house 10,000 more residents downtown was denounced for accelerating gentrification and for its gutting of environmental protection requirements.

Brown moved from railing against the corruption of government by corporate money, and the bankruptcy of the two-party system, to relying on corporate PAC soft money to fund his election initiatives and candidates and currying favor with leading Democrats.

When Brown's charter military academy was voted down by both the Oakland and County School Boards, Brown got Governor Davis to the move the State Board to charter it. He also relied on Davis' support to get the state legislature to waive environmental impact report requirements on development downtown, and for an exemption to the Brown Act, which he signed back when he was Governor, which would have required that he recuse himself from taking public positions on much of his proposed development, because it is likely to increase the value of his private property.

Brown changed Oakland's form of government, removing himself from the weekly City Council meetings, and became inaccessible to most local residents. This led many to resent Brown for having no time for them, but plenty to pursue his self-avowed twin interests of "hustling corporations" and "bringing wealthier people into Oakland."

During his first three years in office Brown rode a waive of commercial and residential construction, job creation, and upgraded stores and restaurants. Property values increased while crime ebbed. Brown was embraced by the establishment as a quirky liberal who had learned how to do business. A poll taken in 2000 showing Brown with an approval rating of over 70 percent was frequently cited by the mainstream media as proof of Brown’s great popularity.

In Brown’s fourth year in office the dot com boom went bust. A number of development projects stalled and workers were laid as the recession deepened. Rents remained high while crime climbed. Even so, when the Riles campaign kicked-off, the conventional wisdom remained that Brown was unbeatable. Riles would struggle against this notion, held even by many progressives, and re-enforced by the media, through the entire campaign.

Riles did command respect. He’s an heir to the local legacy of progressive African American leadership, served 13 years on the Oakland City Council (1979-91), before serving the last ten years as a Regional Director of the American Friends Services Committee. Riles also personified progressive disappointment in Brown. He had endorsed Brown in 1998, but later led the fight against Brown’s military high school.

Riles’ left-wing credentials are impeccable. He even supports more radical causes - his opposition to the war in Afghanistan, endorsement of Ralph Nader for President, and support of Mumia Abu Jamal, are but recent examples. Riles is also a longtime supporter of the IPPN.

The filing deadline passed and Riles remained the only challenger. This provided a great opportunity for Riles to communicate his progressive agenda, as his would be the only voice of opposition.

Riles attracted a wide variety of activists into his campaign. Veteran community, labor, tenant, environmental, peace and social justice activists were joined by younger militants, in a true rainbow coalition.

Two organizations played central roles: Oakland ACORN and the Green Party. A number of key organizers were also drawn from PUEBLO (People United for a Better Oakland), which did not endorse due to its non-profit status. The Oakland Education Association, the teachers’ union, came on later.

Endorsements of Riles rolled in from the Sierra Club, a number of Democratic Party Clubs including those representing African American, Latino, and lesbian and gay constituencies, as well as from women’s organizations and two weekly newspapers.

One endorsement critical to completing Riles’ progressive coalition eluded him. The Alameda County AFL-CIO endorsed Brown. Riles had considerable labor support, and had sought a "dual endorsement", but the building trades unions, which had benefited from the construction Boom, and powerful SEIU 790, which represents city employees and feared retribution from Brown in upcoming contract negotiations, maneuvered a Brown endorsement.

Brown raised more than twice as much money as Riles. With the entire establishment behind him, he confidently decided to dispense with running any grassroots campaign.

Meanwhile, Riles and his volunteers were busy working the neighborhoods, dropping literature at doors and talking with people. In eight mayoral debates, Riles laid out the progressive critique and alternative agenda. The message was getting through. It even played in the mainstream media’s scant coverage.

As the Riles campaign geared up for its final push, spirits were high and expectations soared. Brown’s laid back approach meant he had no volunteers out, or signs up, in the neighborhoods. The only visible momentum belonged to Riles.

The election result would show that Oakland’s left/progressive forces were not nearly as close as they had thought or hoped. That doesn’t diminish their achievements. They came together in a new coalition behind a left-wing African American leader, formulated a comprehensive and cutting-edge progressive platform, and succeeded in getting their message out to the public.

In a post-election interview, Riles expressed pride in the campaign. "We had a very effective and efficient campaign. With few resources we were able to get our message out and people responded to it. They might not have gone to the polls and voted to the extent we expected, but there is no question that the issues we raised are going to continue and people will continue organizing around them," said Riles.

Riles will work to keep the coalition together. "As a result of the election we’ve expanded the number of people we’re in touch with and we’re going to reach out to them immediately and continue to move issues forward in very formal and concrete ways," he explained.

One feature of the campaign was the role of the Green Party, working in coalition in support of a left-wing Democrat. The Green Party endorsed Riles early and made the campaign its top priority in the county.

"There were a very substantial number of Green Party members who were actively involved, both as volunteers and in positions of leadership in the campaign staff," said Rebecca Kaplan, a Green who served as Media Coordinator. "There was an incredible healing that took place in Oakland among Greens and progressive Democrats, independents, and Peace and Freedom Party people, all working together for one candidate - really learning the things we do have in common and the ways we can work together on common agendas," concluded Kaplan. The Peace and Freedom Party did not take a position on the election, though a number of party registrants were volunteers.

The Independent Politics News the national newspaper of the Independent Progressive Politics Network http://www.ippn.org
by wondering
With all that effort, somehow the ruling class put down Wilson Riles. I think it is pretty obvious that even if there was critical mass support in an electoral campaign, even if somehow Wilson Riles was able to outspend Brown, even if somehow the money and influence of the ruling class could be overwhelmed, all they have to do is fix the election results as they do in SF all the fucking time. When will we give up this schizophrenic strategy and start committing to more radical projects, instead of more electoral projects?
by Responding
that's why there's absolutely NO leftists in political power in San Francisco: because of election rigging. Gimme a break

What the Riles run says to me is that the progressive message (or the anti-Brown message) appeals to a significant amount of the Oakland electorate.

What I want to see is the folks who have mobilized around Riles continue working on progressive issues and pushing the City government. And I can't say this enough: "WORKING" IS NOT JUST COMING TO CITY COUNCIL MEETINGS AND SPEAKING! By the time you show up, the decision's been made!

What has to happen is that an organization must be created to participate in decisionmaking. Example: tenants thought they were so riteous by not joining the working group that gutted some of our protections, but guess what, they went ahead anyway! And tht's how they do. If you're too "pure" to make the sausage that IS public policy, then what are you doing running for office?

You gotta get in the game full-time. You can't just hop in at election time.

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