Washington response will shape the 21st century

Washington response will shape the 21st century

By Omar Noman


The nauseating smell of human flesh and debris floats through my bedroom window. I live in an apartment, which is
part of a shattered skyline - and this is the window from which I witnessed the grotesque simplicity of terrorism. Two
friends who worked in the towers - both Jewish - are missing.

Next to my apartment is a hospital where we queued to give blood on 11 September 2001, and which now treats
some casualties and periodically receives blue boxes full of ashes. This is where you see policemen and
fire-fighters cry silently, and relatives of the missing bringing photos, more as solace than in hope.

The personal trauma is eclipsed by the recognition that the response of the United States in the coming days will
shape the 21st Century. The form that the response takes will, in turn, be determined by an analysis of the causes of
this menacing brand of anti-American terrorism. The spectrum of views can be summarized into four broad
categories. The first is the envy school. This views antagonism towards the US as a result of the gap between living
standards between the wretched of the earth and the privileged, brought together and yet torn further apart by
globalization. It is the envy of the poor at the success of America which provokes such terrorist attacks.

The second group is the crusades school which, after the end of communism, have revived another ideological
conflict - between Islam and Christianity. A variant of this sees the conflict in terms of Islam and modernity, with
antagonism reserved towards its symbol, the USA.

The centre-periphery school is more complex. They emphasize the dominance of Western financial and cultural
institutions over the globe and the systemic bias against much of the developing world. A selected few countries
share in the prosperity, while billions continue to toil and suffer. Globalization is said to be furthering inequalities and
poverty. In this context, the complacency of the prosperous, rather than genuine concern about poverty and
inequality, has created a mass of discontent. The attack on NY emerges from the most virulent strains of this lava of
hate.

Finally, the \"multi-dimensional\" strand locates part of the blame on systemic faults in the international system. But it
sees US foreign policy as a flame which ignites wounds. In particular they recognize several sores of continuing
aggravation in the relationship between the US and parts of the Muslim world. The strong support for Israel and the
short sighted rapid withdrawal from Afghanistan, as soon as the Soviet troops left the devastated country, being the
most frequently cited cases. The sense of being used, abused and then abandoned created a deep resentment in
both Pakistan and Afghanistan.

Within a few months, these frontline heroes for freedom were threatened with the label of terrorist states, and were
frequently reminded that in the post Cold War world they were no longer needed and must therefore get used to
their marginalization. Unwavering support for Israel and unceremonious dumping of Afghanistan and Pakistan
cemented an alliance between the desperately frustrated Arabs and the fierce Afghans, with growing sympathy
within segments of Pakistani institutions most deeply involved in the Afghan war.

The attractiveness of the first two schools is that they shift the entire blame on \"the other\". This is \"their problem\" -
either they are bedevilled by one of the immortal sins, envy, or they belong to antiquated cultures which inherently
generate antagonisms. America represents the \"good\" which threatens their \"bads\". This is a clash which some
civilization are destined to loose with the passage of time.

The third school is more sophisticated than this simple minded, insensitive triumphalism. It seeks to examine the
causes more deeply, noting many systemic faults which give the powerful more privilege, arguing that the world
system is not doing enough to bring in the marginalized into the circle of hope. This view is shared by many civil
society groups. Its policy prescriptions are long term and occasionally contradictory and contentious, particularly on
issues such as trade.

It is with the fourth strand of thought that one harbors most hope. This recognizes the great achievements of the US,
and celebrates them. It makes no attempt to denigrate the openness of America, its dynamism, its creativity, its rich
diversity and its strong institutions. But while taking pride in these achievements, it takes a more sanguine view of
its errors. They recognize that in countries as diverse as China, Russia, France, India, let alone many Muslim
countries, sentiments against the arrogance of power have been frequent.

Which of the four world views comes to dominate public opinion and the US response will determine the course of
the 21st century. Unthinking triumphalism will be stirred into a volcanic angry military response. Barricades, bombs
and bayonets will cover the globe, with fear, insecurity and knives woven into the fabric of our lives. The promise of
the 21st century would suffer from a still birth the world can ill afford. Fundamentalism will get a shot in the arm, with
the increased likelihood of more \"Kamikaze martyrs\"

The intelligent sophisticated response, on the other hand, will require , greater US engagement with the world, less
suspicion of multilateral institutions and more appreciation of the importance of global solidarity and security that
comes with many treaties. In this perspective, the immediate military response will be built on a global alliance,
including Muslim countries. This would be accompanied by political and economic measures to address the
underlying grievances. Only in such an environment will hatred be isolated, rather than fuelled by anger and
technology.

There is a mistaken perception that recent events will create a bipolar world, with an angry West against a united
and resurgent Islam. On the contrary, recent events are likely to exacerbate the divisions within the Muslim world.
The manner in which these growing divisions play out will be partially determined by the form of the US response.
To start with, there will be an intensification of the ideological civil war prevalent in virtually all Muslim societies.
Many countries have seen a struggle between fascism and those who want a more open, tolerant Muslim society.

Fascism was prevalent in Europe a few decades back. It is now spreading like a cancer through the Muslim world.
Those opposing it are, more frequently than not, unelected. Except for a few notable exceptions, the Muslim world
has not been part of the democratic wave sweeping across the world in the last quarter of the twentieth century. The
growth of fascistic intolerant forces should not provide the pretext for delaying greater openness and the creation of
democratic regimes. The present set of political and economic arrangements are fuelling rather than curbing
fundamentalism, which is a greater threat to decent Muslims than any outside force.

Another chasm that may grow is within the Muslim Diaspora communities. The Western countries in which they live
have a responsibility to protect Muslims against hate crimes and allow them the freedom to follow their beliefs. But
in return , Muslim communities can not allow themselves to be viewed as a sanctuary for terrorists threatening to
undermine their host country. The presence of such groups will harm all Muslims in the Diaspora. Exposing such
groups, rather than protecting them, is an obligation of citizenship but one which may force greater ruptures.

In security circles there is a great deal of talk these days at the lack of \"human intelligence\". The answer is not spies
who speak Arabic. Real Human Intelligence will combine a possible targeted military response, discrimination
between possible fellow travelers and opponents, and serious adjustments in foreign policy to ensure that some
deep wounds are healed. A hasty reaction could hasten a global economic depression and nourish the soil which
breeds terror.