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Struggles over power sharing have brought Iraq's political process to a woeful standstill
As political turmoil over the formation of the new Iraqi government entered its ninth week, the Iraqi people are becoming increasingly skeptical about the direction the political process their country is taking. The failure of the National Assembly, in its second meeting on Tuesday, to put an end to the political impasse has further complicated the situation.
On Wednesday, Iraq's main political blocs in the National Assembly continued haggling over two key issues: the distribution of leadership positions and negotiations over naming a speaker for the assembly from Sunni members after Iraq's former interim President Ghazi Al-Yawer turned down the post at the last minute. "The formation of the government is still a few weeks away," said one member in the assembly, raising fears that the country will continue its plunge in deeper political chaos.
Even when it appeared that arrangements had been set the assembly meeting, scheduled for 11am on Tuesday, had to be postponed for three hours. A hone missile had detonated that morning near the assembly's main hall delivering, perhaps, an expected message from parties who have been excluded or who chose to exclude themselves from the political process. But the real surprise came after the green light had been given. Not long after the assembly got down to business, Yawer delivered a bombshell of his own when he announced that he was rejecting the post of speaker of the assembly. Suddenly it was back to square one, the assembly adjourned, the various contingents retreated into their respective huddles and statements were issued to the press to the effect that negotiations were still in progress.
The task of the National Assembly at this stage is to elect a speaker and two vice speakers. It is also entitled to select the country's interim president and two vice presidents who in turn will name a prime minister. The prime minister will then form a government. The Assembly is also due to finalise a constitution. A deadline of 15 August has been set for drafting the country's permanent constitution but if such delays in forming the government continue, the whole political process risks stagnation.
For the past week, the Shia-dominated United Iraqi Alliance (UIA) and the Kurdish list -- the two blocs which hold the majority of assembly seats (215 out of 275) -- were struggling to entice Sunni Arabs into the government, in part by offering them the speaker's post. Although Iraq's Sunnis boycotted the elections, there are now 17 Sunni representatives in the assembly. However, the task of selecting a Sunni for the speaker's post will not be an easy one since most of the Sunni MPs do not enjoy grassroots support among Iraq's Sunnis.
The Iraqi public was plunged into yet a deeper depression with the realisation that the current political process in Iraq is as far removed as it possibly can be from their expectations. Despite continuous assurances from various Iraqi politicians that there were no unbridgeable differences, suspicions were confirmed over the gap between statements politicians issued to the press and what has been going on behind closed doors.
Iraqi politicians downplayed fears of a political stalemate. "The meeting didn't fail," Sheikh Ibrahim Al-Mahmoudi of the UIA told Al-Ahram Weekly. "Rather, the opportunity was given to Sunni Arabs to select a candidate of their own choice to be speaker of the house." In a similar vein, Sheikh Jalal Al- Din Al-Saghir, also from the UIA, saw no reason for concern. Such delays, he suggested, were normal, citing the case of former Turkish Premier Necmettin Erbakan who took four months to form a government.
The situation here, however, is not nearly as simple as such reassurances were intended to portray. When former interim President Iyad Allawi withdrew from the meeting he was followed by Minister of Defense Hazem Al-Sha'lan, then President Yawer, and lastly Minister of Interior Fallah Al-Naqib. Both Shia and Kurdish circles began to give off signals that there are certain matters that should not be handled unilaterally. It was also clear that there was much more going on beneath the surface than the question of Sunni Arab representation. The various manoeuvrings suggested that some parties are still pushing to become part of the post-election government, including Allawi and his list, and that they have formed an undeclared alliance to force the UIA to concede a number of ministerial posts.
Read More
http://weekly.ahram.org.eg/2005/736/fr1.htm
Even when it appeared that arrangements had been set the assembly meeting, scheduled for 11am on Tuesday, had to be postponed for three hours. A hone missile had detonated that morning near the assembly's main hall delivering, perhaps, an expected message from parties who have been excluded or who chose to exclude themselves from the political process. But the real surprise came after the green light had been given. Not long after the assembly got down to business, Yawer delivered a bombshell of his own when he announced that he was rejecting the post of speaker of the assembly. Suddenly it was back to square one, the assembly adjourned, the various contingents retreated into their respective huddles and statements were issued to the press to the effect that negotiations were still in progress.
The task of the National Assembly at this stage is to elect a speaker and two vice speakers. It is also entitled to select the country's interim president and two vice presidents who in turn will name a prime minister. The prime minister will then form a government. The Assembly is also due to finalise a constitution. A deadline of 15 August has been set for drafting the country's permanent constitution but if such delays in forming the government continue, the whole political process risks stagnation.
For the past week, the Shia-dominated United Iraqi Alliance (UIA) and the Kurdish list -- the two blocs which hold the majority of assembly seats (215 out of 275) -- were struggling to entice Sunni Arabs into the government, in part by offering them the speaker's post. Although Iraq's Sunnis boycotted the elections, there are now 17 Sunni representatives in the assembly. However, the task of selecting a Sunni for the speaker's post will not be an easy one since most of the Sunni MPs do not enjoy grassroots support among Iraq's Sunnis.
The Iraqi public was plunged into yet a deeper depression with the realisation that the current political process in Iraq is as far removed as it possibly can be from their expectations. Despite continuous assurances from various Iraqi politicians that there were no unbridgeable differences, suspicions were confirmed over the gap between statements politicians issued to the press and what has been going on behind closed doors.
Iraqi politicians downplayed fears of a political stalemate. "The meeting didn't fail," Sheikh Ibrahim Al-Mahmoudi of the UIA told Al-Ahram Weekly. "Rather, the opportunity was given to Sunni Arabs to select a candidate of their own choice to be speaker of the house." In a similar vein, Sheikh Jalal Al- Din Al-Saghir, also from the UIA, saw no reason for concern. Such delays, he suggested, were normal, citing the case of former Turkish Premier Necmettin Erbakan who took four months to form a government.
The situation here, however, is not nearly as simple as such reassurances were intended to portray. When former interim President Iyad Allawi withdrew from the meeting he was followed by Minister of Defense Hazem Al-Sha'lan, then President Yawer, and lastly Minister of Interior Fallah Al-Naqib. Both Shia and Kurdish circles began to give off signals that there are certain matters that should not be handled unilaterally. It was also clear that there was much more going on beneath the surface than the question of Sunni Arab representation. The various manoeuvrings suggested that some parties are still pushing to become part of the post-election government, including Allawi and his list, and that they have formed an undeclared alliance to force the UIA to concede a number of ministerial posts.
Read More
http://weekly.ahram.org.eg/2005/736/fr1.htm
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How do you see the Iraqi situation at present?
Each powerful sectarian group is trying to make gains for itself regardless of whether its demands are just and regardless of how this affects others. This, unfortunately, is how things are.
What will that lead to?
At present, we are trying to create and build a state. For any political process to succeed, everyone should give up some of their rights for the interests of all. This is not happening yet in Iraq. The Sunni Arabs are the one group that others want to suppress. There are many who blame Sunni Arabs for what happened in Kurdistan, for what happened to the Shia, and for what happened in Iraq as a whole. We hear kind words from some Kurdish leaders, particularly Masoud Barzani. We hear kind words from all other parties, but what we see everyday is not encouraging. Sunni Arabs are still in shock. Some forces act as if they are giving us -- Sunnis -- posts as an act of charity.
Are the Arabs living in Iraq a target of this campaign? And who is responsible for what is happening?
[Arabs in Iraq] are being abused in the same sectarian campaign. As for who is responsible, I personally blame those who embrace the anti-Arab agenda, those who want to distance Iraq from its Arab origins and disassociate Sunni Arabs from their Arab and Sunni bonds in the Arab world. You hear many accusations, claims and stories that are 99 per cent false. I assure you that there is no evidence that an Egyptian or a Syrian has carried out a suicide attack. There are Syrians within the resistance, but not in suicide operations. This does not mean that there are no suicide bombers from Saudi Arabia, Yemen and Sudan. But even those do not represent their countries, but only themselves, just as there are Iraqis in other areas who are carrying out acts of sabotage.
You have been a target of accusations, why?
Because I support the resistance that targets the occupation. I am, however, opposed to attacks against innocent civilians of all nationalities, against the Iraqi state institutions, the police and the army. We have gone beyond receiving the blows, and we will attempt to answer the attacks against us. We will confront the conspiracy to which we're being subjected.
Some people justify attacks against the police and army by saying that they collaborate with the occupation forces.
I wouldn't say that they collaborate with the occupier, but they take orders from Iraqi politicians who want to harm Sunni Arabs, among others.
Concerning the new cabinet, and considering what has been reported, are you satisfied with the representation of the Sunni Arabs in it?
The plan is to impose on us the candidates of the Iraqi Unified Alliance -- which is predominantly Shia -- on the pretext that Sunni Arabs [are part of that list]. The list included three Sunni Arabs who won with Shia votes and on a Shia list. And now they want to have these people to fill the posts allocated to Sunni Arabs. I am referring to Modar Shawkat, Fawwaz Al-Jerba, and Abdul-Rahman Al-Nueimi. We will resist any attempt to impose these people as representatives of Sunni Arabs. This would be a big problem.
Have Sunni Arabs learned their lesson from what happened in the elections?
Yes. They have learned their lesson well and will participate in the next elections vigorously and dazzle the world. We have no other choice but to participate in the political process, stay within it, and defend Iraq and its unity.
What is the real numerical ratio of Sunni Arabs in Iraq?
The last elections show that about 35 per cent have boycotted the elections, all Sunni Arabs.
Who do you hold responsible for the Sunni Arab boycott of the elections?
The Association of Muslim Scholars, for it did not present the case correctly. Had we participated in the political process, none of this would have happened. Things have taken a bad turn. We blame them because it was a strategic error to urge the people not to vote. All the problems the Sunni Arabs are having now are a result of the boycott. Then, immediately after the elections, they began talking about participating in the political process. We cannot understand why they urged people not to vote.
Some people say that giving the Ministry of Defence portfolio to Sunni Arabs is meant to divide them, since most military operations now take place in Sunni Arab areas. What's your comment?
That is not the reason. Let's be fair. That post is the one that remains available, because the Foreign Ministry will go to the Kurds and the Interior Ministry to the Alliance. Sunni Arabs want a key post, although the chief of staff -- which is the most important post -- will remain as it is, in the hands of Kurdish Babekr Al-Zibari.
Is it possible for the Constitution to be rewritten in the time left for the government and the National Assembly?
Several drafts are available and one will be approved. Some small details remain to be worked out. The Sunni Arabs can say no, in which case the Constitution would not pass and the political process will have to be repeated once again.
What do you think of the Kurdish call for Arabs to be deported from Kirkuk?
This is unacceptable. They can say what they want, and so can we. Not one person has been deported -- they cannot do that. The Kurds who left Kirkuk may go back. But the Arabs are there to stay.
http://weekly.ahram.org.eg/2005/736/re3.htm