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Indybay Feature

"Anti-globalization" Activst survey

by Nathan Moore (nmoore5 [at] wvu.edu)
The following survey is being conducted for an undergraduate thesis project at West Virginia University. Your participation is entirely voluntary, but would be very beneficial to the research process. If you could take a few minutes to fill it out, it'd be a great help.
My name is Nathan Moore, and I'm working on an undergraduate thesis project at West Virginia University about the current "anti-globalization" movement. If you could take a few moments to answer the following questions, it would be much appreciated. Please email your responses to <nmoore5 [at] wvu.edu> and pass the survey along to any friends and appropriate listservs.

Since my research calendar is limited, please try to have responses back to me by March 10, 2002. Responses received after March 15 or so will probably be too late to be tallied.

Please do NOT include your name unless you feel moved to. Your identity will be kept strictly confidential, and your email address will be deleted as soon as your responses are cut and pasted. Names and specifics in your responses that could lead to your identification will be altered if used in my final research presentation.

There are two types of questions in this survey. For questions in which answer choices are given, please place an "X" on both sides of your chosen answer. Also, please specify if your answer is "Other." For the open-ended questions, please answer as completely as you think answers the question.

Your participation is voluntary; thus you do not have to answer every question. However, your honest answers would greatly help in the process of this research. Thank you.

- - - - -

First, I'm going to ask a few demographic questions to get an idea of the average respondent.

1. What is your age? ____

2. What is your occupation? _________________

3. What is your gender? ______________

4. What do you consider to be your race/ethnicity? _______________

- - - - -

Next, I'm going to ask some questions about your activist involvement.

5. Do you consider yourself to be part of the "anti-globalization" movement?
a. Yes
b. No

6. Which, if any, mass mobilizations have you been involved in? (please check all)
a. WTO protest 1999, Seattle
b. IMF/WB Protest 2000, Washington, DC
c. Republican National Convention 2000, Philadelphia
d. Democratic National Convention 2000, Los Angeles
e. Presidential Inauguration 2001, Washington, DC
f. FTAA Protest 2001, Quebec City, Canada
g. WEF Protest 2001, Davos, Switzerland
h. G8 Summit 2001, Genoa, Italy
i. WEF Protest 2002, New York
j. Others (please list)

7. With what political label(s) do you most identify? (please check all that apply)
a. Liberal
b. Green
c. Unionist
d. Feminist
e. Socialist
f. Communist
g. Anarchist
h. Anti-capitalist
i. Radical
j. Unaffiliated leftist
k. Other (please specify) _____________________

8. How did you first get involved in activism, especially around anti-globalization issues?
a. I joined a student activist group
b. My church was involved in existing efforts
c. My friends and I started a group
d. I saw a local protest
e. I saw media coverage of international protests and became interested
f. My parents were activists and I've been involved as long as I can remember
g. Other (please specify) __________________

9. Who are some of your main influences? Which authors, historical figures, and individuals have helped develop your political consciousness?


- - - - -

Next, I'm going to ask some questions about your views of the "anti-globalization" movement.

10. How would you characterize the "anti-globalization" movement?
a. This movement is a single mass movement with one targeted goal
b. This movement is a convergence of several movements
c. This movement is both a mass movement with a targeted goal and a convergence of several smaller movements.
d. None of the above (please explain)

11. People have come up with many terms for the current movement(s). What term(s) do you think most aptly describes the movement and why?
a. Anti-globalization
b. Anti-corporate globalization
c. Global Justice
d. Anti-capitalist
e. Globalization from Below
f. Other (please specify) ____________________
g. The movement should not be labeled.

12. In what ways have past movements influenced this one? (please check all that apply)
a. The current movement is not rooted in past activist traditions
b. The current movement borrows heavily from identity movements of the 1970s and 1980s
c. The current movement borrows from tactics of the civil rights movement of the 1950s and 1960s
d. The current movement borrows from the anarchist tradition, especially of the 1890s and early 1900s
e. The current movement borrows somewhat from past activist traditions, but also differs a great deal in its approach
f. Other (please specify):
Please explain your choice/response:


13. In your opinion, how long will the current anti-globalization movement last?
a. It has already reached its peak
b. 2 more years
c. 5 more years
d. 10 years or more
e. This movement will not end until a radical transformation in power has occurred

14. How divided/sectarian do you consider the anti-globalization movement?
a. The movement is very divided, with radically different tactics and philosophies
b. The movement has its divisions, but these differences are marginal.
c. The movement is largely unified with widespread agreement on tactics and philosophies

15. In your opinion, will the movement suffer significantly because of these differences?
a. These differences will eventually lead to the downfall of the movement, if they haven't already.
b. These differences will negatively affect the movement, but it will still persevere.
c. These differences will create only marginal tension and little hindrance to the movement's progress.
d. These differences are what will make the movement so successful.
e. None of the above (please specify)


- - - - -

Next, I'm going to ask you some questions about tactics among anti-globalization activists.

16. What do you think of property destruction, as a tactic, at protest events? (check all that apply)
a. I oppose it, on the grounds that it is wrong to vandalize personal or corporate property.
b. I oppose it, on the grounds that it detracts from the movement's progress.
c. I oppose it, on the grounds that it puts non-offenders in the path of the police backlash.
d. I support it, since there is often no other way to gain media attention.
e. I support it, since vandalizing certain property sends a clear symbolic message to the elite.
f. I support it, since it's of utmost importance to support each other's forms of expression.
g. I have no strong feelings either way.
h. My feelings are mixed, and I neither oppose nor support this tactic.

17. Which type of demonstration is most essential to the anti-globalization movement?
a. Local actions
b. Regional protests
c. Mass mobilizations
d. They are equally important
e. The scale of the action is not the main factor
f. Other (please specify)

18. The anti-globalization movement has become well known for protesting the meetings of supranational institutions. What does this tactic accomplish?



19. Mass mobilizations have probably been the most visible actions that anti-globalization activists have participated in, but they're certainly not the only actions. Of the local projects you and your organizations been involved in, please list and explain the two or three you consider most important.



20. Many have said that the anti-globalization movement couldn't have happened without the internet. Comment on this statement, and explain how internet organizing/networking has worked in your experience.



- - - - -

Next, I'm going to ask for your opinions on the media.

21. The mainstream media's coverage of news events is:
a. Almost always unbiased
b. Mostly unbiased
c. Biased as often as it is unbiased
d. Mostly biased
e. Almost always biased
f. No opinion

22. The mainstream media's coverage of news events is:
a. Almost always accurate
b. Mostly accurate
c. Inaccurate as often as it is accurate
d. Mostly inaccurate
e. Almost always inaccurate
f. No opinion

23. The mainstream media's coverage of protests is:
a. Almost always unbiased
b. Mostly unbiased
c. Biased as often as it is unbiased
d. Mostly biased
e. Almost always biased
f. No opinion

24. The mainstream media's coverage of protests is:
a. Almost always accurate
b. Mostly accurate
c. Inaccurate as often as it is accurate
d. Mostly inaccurate
e. Almost always inaccurate
f. No opinion

25. What role can Indymedia and other independent media outlets play in society?



- - - - -

Finally, I'm going to ask a few broad, open-ended questions. You may use this space to comment on anything you think was left out of the survey.

26. If you could meet one political or corporate elite, who would it be and what would you say/do?



27. What do you hope the anti-globalization movement can accomplish?



28. How do we make a better world?



- - - - -

Please email responses to <nmoore5 [at] wvu.edu> by March 10, and pass along to friends and listservs. Thank you for your participation.

by joe quiggley
1 26
2 engineer
3 male
4 white
5 a
6 j DC Sept/Oct 2001
7 g/h/i
8 g i saw Indymedia coverage of international protests and became interested .
9 Chomsky, Zinn, MLK Jr., Jesus
10 d this movement is a mass movement, a convergence of several smaller movements, and a convergence of many even smaller movements.
11 b/d/f pro-democracy
12 c/f 80's anti-nuke, environmental, green movements
this movement seems more unified but also more diverse than past movements and convergences of movements.
13 e we're in this to win.
14 b/c vocal disagreement but tolerance on tactics, mirage of tolerance of widely divergent philosophies
15 e don't know
16 h leaning toward opposing
17 f organizing, not demos
18 cause a crisis of legitimacy
19 personal and group work against prejudice/one-on-one political education
20 it wouldn't be impossible without the internet, just harder. it opened space for new media to allow the truth around corporate censorship.
21 e
22 d
23 e
24 e
25 cover dissident movements, allow public participation and recreate new forms of public space for political interaciton, give sense of empowerment
26 i'd put a big fat fucking pie in a lot of their faces. seriously, it's not about the elites. it's about everybody else.
27 complete revolution - bottom-up power, heal centuries of damage to people and the earth
28 one step at a time. start with yourself and those around you. refuse to cooperate with evil.
by mike
<Please do NOT include your name unless you feel moved to. Your identity will be kept strictly confidential, and your email address will be deleted as soon as your responses are cut and pasted. Names and specifics in your responses that could lead to your identification will be altered if used in my final research presentation>

That's very re-assuring. Would you like my credit numbers and expiration dates too?

by Marselo
if you go to wu.edu it sends you not to West Virginia University's website, but to the "Vienna University of Economics and Business Administration" website in Vienna, Austria.

watch out peeps, this looked too shady just after the first few questions. don't doubt "west virginia university" is really Langley or Quantico.

and what ta hell are Economics and Business students from Vienna (via way of West Virginia U, apparently) doing with these non-Econ and non-Business surveys on globalization?
i know if i was doing an "anti-globalization" survey, i wouldn't be asking some of the questions on this survey. i don't know, i'm just skeptical i guess about this.

-M
by A Self-Assessment from New Left Review
1

NLR was founded in 1960, from a merger between the Boards of Universities and Left Review and The New Reasoner—two journals that had emerged out of the political repercussions of Suez and Hungary in 1956, reflecting respective rejections of the dominant 'revisionist' orthodoxy within the Labour Party and of the legacy of Stalinism in the Communist Party of Great Britain. The common political focus uniting these two currents was provided by the Campaign for Nuclear Disarmament (CND), the first anti-nuclear peace movement. In the pages of these journals E.P. Thompson, Charles Taylor and Alastair Macintyre debated 'Marxist Humanism', ethics and community, Raphael Samuel explored 'the sense of classlessness', and Isaac Deutscher analysed the Communism of Khrushchev's thaw. [For accounts of the early New Left in Britain, see Out of Apathy, edited by the Oxford University Socialist Discussion Group, Verso, London 1989]

The new review was conceived as the organ of a broad New Left organization. Its emphases were popular and interventionist, aimed at immediate issues of contemporary politics. The decline of CND by late 1961, however, deprived the New Left of much of its momentum as a movement, and uncertainties and divisions within the Board of the journal led to the transfer of the Review to a younger and less experienced group in 1962. The first two years of NLR (nos 1–12) thus constitute a distinct and self-contained period. It was marked by a novel approach to the understanding of popular culture and innovative proposals for the democratization of the modern communications industry. Stuart Hall and Raymond Williams were later to pursue these two themes in highly influential work. A prophetic article by C. Wright Mills, 'Letter to the New Left', in NLR 5, was to be much reprinted. It questioned the 'labour metaphysic' and helped to shape the concerns of the emerging North American New Left.

2

From 1962 to 1963 a tentative and transitional magazine, of more restricted scope, appeared. With the dispersal of the New Left movement as such, NLR retrenched as a theoretical journal whose intellectual orientation was on the whole more geared to the emerging preoccupations of Continental theory. Articles by Claude Lévi-Strauss, R.D. Laing and Ernest Mandel signalled these new interests. The Review's primary political focus was on the Third World rather than the domestic arena. Characteristic of this period (nos 15–22) was a series of articles on Cuba, Algeria, Iran and the Portuguese colonies, written in a mode which drew on comparative sociology and class analysis. There was little or no coverage of British politics in the last years of the Conservative regime of the time, though a fine essay on the philosopher Oakeshott.

3

In early 1964 a new format for NLR was adopted which endured, through various subsequent changes, to the end of 1999. At the same time a broader and more ambitious editorial direction was developed. Between 1964 and 1966 (nos 23–35), a basic 'model' of the journal was created that gave it a new and specific identity. In terms of topical concentration, a primary focus on the Third World gave way to a principal concern with the UK itself, although the analytic emphasis was not entirely different. A series of articles explored structural features of British historical development and the distinctive capitalist society they had created, with its particular balance of class forces. The major intellectual influence here was Gramsci. The resultant NLR 'theses' gave rise to a lively rejoinder from Edward Thompson, published in the Socialist Register 1965, in a significant debate of the mid sixties. Politically, although the Review was sharply critical of the traditions of Labourism, its own position might perhaps be described as an anticipation of the preoccupations of the Eurocommunism of a decade later. It was argued that socialist hegemony must be developed within civil society prior to, and as a precondition of, socialist advance at the level of the government or state. This outlook found typical expression in the first book produced by NLR, Towards Socialism (1964), a paperback designed for the context of a new Labour administration. In practice, the first few months of the Wilson government were enough to dispel any illusions concerning the potential of the latter as a vehicle of socialist transformation. Treatment of international issues was much reduced during this phase. However, the Review contained a range of shorter comment and criticism, and a diversity of cultural coverage, that gave it a more varied and readable texture. A series on the cinema, pioneering auteur theory in Britain (see Lee Russell, aka Peter Wollen) and another in which people from a range of occupations recounted experiences of work under capitalism (later collected in two Penguin volumes by Ronald Fraser), were popular features of this period of the journal. Other theoretical concerns of this time were indicated by articles on existentialism and psychoanalysis. A certain diffuse Sartreanism also coloured the magazine's politics and Les Temps Modernes furnished an admired model.

4

From 1966 to 1968 NLR developed into a distinct fourth phase (nos 36–51). Opposition to the Labour regime of the time took the form of successive Penguin Specials produced by the Review, designed to give voice to the two major resistances to it—the trade-union movement fighting the wage-freeze and deflation in 1967 (The Incompatibles), and the student movement which culminated in the revolts of 1968 (Student Power). The editor of the journal undertook a critical mapping of Britain's academic intelligentsia, Components of the National Culture, in NLR 50. The Review also now broached for the first time classical issues of the international revolutionary movement of this century, with an organized debate between Communist, Trotskyist and Lukácsian participants over the role of Trotsky in the Russian Revolution and its aftermath. This debate was initiated by Nicolas Krassó, an editor of the Review who had been a protagonist of the Hungarian uprising of 1956. Abroad, the spread of Cuban-inspired guerrillas in Latin America and the victories of the Vietnamese revolution in Indochina were followed in renewed Third World coverage within the Review. Guevarist and Maoist influences were among the characteristic undercurrents of this period. In the same years, the Review initiated the series of translations and expositions of 'Western Marxist' texts, from Gramsci, Lukács and Korsch onwards, that were to become one of its principal strands. Western Marxism was seen as a vital resource in rejecting alike the authorized catechism of official Communism and the bland philistinism of social democracy. The Review's eclectic theoretical interests equally found expression in articles on psychoanalysis (Adorno, Lacan) and reprints of key texts of the Russian Formalists and Constructivists. In 1966 it started to engage with the problem of women's liberation, with Juliet Mitchell's pathbreaking essay on 'Women: The Longest Revolution' in NLR 40, an original synthesis of de Beauvoir, Engels, Viola Klein, Berry Friedan and other analysts of women's oppression.

5

A fifth phase in the evolution of the journal runs approximately from late 1968 to mid 1971 (nos 52–67). A general radicalization, amidst the international student and worker upsurges in Western Europe and the impact of the war in Vietnam, marked the outlook of NLR. In a special issue, NLR 52, the Paris 'May events' were celebrated as a 'festival of the oppressed'. Limited attention was paid to domestic developments, though the first conference and publications of the women's movement were discussed. The main focus was on North America, Japan and other OECD areas. Western Marxist materials were now the most prominent single category of texts with the Review—still cast largely in expository fashion. The most important institutional change of this phase was the decision, taken in late 1968, to create a publishing house as an extension of the work of NLR. The first NLB titles appeared in the autumn of 1970, and the initial shape of the imprint closely reflected the current emphasis of the journal. Cultural coverage in NLR was now irregular, though there were exchanges on rock music, sexuality and Peter Wollen's 'Signs and Meanings in the Cinema'.

6

From 1971 to 1975 NLR developed its theoretical programme with critical assessments of, or interviews with, major theorists within the Western Marxist tradition—Lukács, Althusser, the Frankfurt School, Sartre and Colletti (later collected in an NLB Reader). Western Marxism was attractive because of its openness to non-Marxist avant-garde influences and because it appeared to give foundations for a critique of bourgeois society and of bureaucratic misrule in the East. As it developed, this interest grew to encompass cognitive and substantive issues of social and historical analysis. The work of Louis Althusser was the subject of several critical essays and exercised influence on a number of contributors such as Nicos Poulantzas and Göran Therborn. The Review and its publishing house also presented work by Benjamin, Adorno and Timpanaro. A critique of received Marxist ideas on culture by Raymond Williams laid the foundation for 'cultural materialism' (NLR 82). There was now somewhat more British coverage in the Review, dealing with the vulnerability of the Heath government. The Review found itself somewhat isolated on the Left, arguing for British membership of the European Community; a special issue on this theme by Tom Nairn was subsequently republished as a Penguin Special. Another significant political intervention of this sixth phase (nos 68-90) was made in articles criticizing Chinese foreign policy, and analysing processes in the USSR and Eastern Europe—especially the emergence of the Russian dissidents, the fate of Czechoslovakia and workers' revolts in Poland. This was the first period in which the 'Second World' received extended treatment in NLR, the main preoccupations being the need for a settling of accounts with the bureaucratic regimes in these states. There was also a recovery of Third World articles to a high quantitative level, including not only country studies but more general debates over the nature of the post-colonial state, and Bill Warren's controversial claim that capitalism was gaining momentum even in many previously underdeveloped regions. A debate on household labour attempted to join socialist and feminist analyses, while Enzensberger contributed seminal articles on ecology and the media.

7

After 1975 the 'Western Marxist' programme of NLR was virtually complete—that is, introduction and evaluation of the main currents in post-classical European Marxist thought. There succeeded two distinct, if complementary, emphases in the theoretical work of the Review. The first was critical evaluation of the classical Marxist tradition itself—Marx, Engels, Lenin, Luxemburg, or the Austro-Marxists, together with reassessments of the legacy of Stalinism in the international labour movement. The language and concepts of Marxism helped the Review to reach out to readers and contributors in many different countries. But this did not preclude a second emphasis—engagement with the native heritage of British socialist and radical thought. By now NLB was publishing original titles of its own, so that this work found as much expression in book as in journal form. Discussion of the writing of Raymond Williams, initiated in the journal, developed into Politics and Letters; debate was renewed with Edward Thompson, on the occasion of The Poverty of Theory; while the origins of British Marxist historiography were explored in the Review itself. Robert Brenner's article on 'The Origins of Capitalism' in NLR 104 bespoke an increasingly sophisticated concern with the dynamic of social formations and modes of production. Politically, this seventh phase (nos 91–120) saw the collapse of the dictatorships in southern Europe, and a new advance of radical revolutions in the Third World (Vietnam, Angola, Ethiopia, Iran, Nicaragua)—events covered relatively consistently by NLR. First World problems of a broad character, often rather under explored by the socialist tradition, were tackled in a series of articles on bourgeois democracy, nationalism, state expenditure, social classes and the world recession by authors such as Göran Therborn, Erik Olin Wright, Ian Gough, Arghiri Emmanuel and Ernest Mandel. Criticism of far-left adventurism was advanced in articles on Portugal, Italy and Turkey. By contrast, treatment of Britain itself was sporadic, with some monitoring of currents in the working class by interviews (Scargill, Cowley shop stewards). The most salient features of the NLR towards the end of this period were its resistance to the gathering Cold War climate of the late seventies, and its attention to the alarming immobilism of the Communist states, especially the Soviet Union. Thus, NLR 119 contained articles by Alec Nove on plan and market, Fred Halliday on Afghanistan, and Stuart Hall on Poulantzas's State, Power and Socialism; contributions from authors such as Miklos Haraszti and Rudolf Bahro identified the malaise of 'actually existing socialism'.

8

The period from 1980 to 1984 was dominated by the editorial priority given to the agenda of the peace movement—the increasing dangers of the arms race and the new recklessness of the United States and Britain. The international debate organized by the Review, in response to Edward Thompson's original intervention on this issue, was extended into the book Exterminism and Cold War (1982). Major articles studied key zones of political contest in East and West—Poland and the DDR, Central America and the Caribbean. Raymond Williams, in a major intervention in NLR 124, insisted that winning peace could not be separated from achieving political liberation and justice. From an end-of-century perspective, the peace movements of the early and mid eighties can be seen as one ingredient in the development of a new era of détente, with its consequent upheavals. Articles on Poland and Kosovo drew attention to explosive internal tensions in the East. Domestic coverage focused somewhat narrowly on the character and prospects of the Labour Party, rather than on the nature of the current Conservative regime, with the notable exception of Anthony Barnett's 'Iron Britannia', a special issue on the Falklands War (NLR 134), and a special feature on the 1983 election in NLR 140. The Review's past critique of the Westminster model helped to inform a strong commitment to proportional representation, a position then uncommon on the Left. North American coverage (and contributors) greatly increased—the United States now occupying a similar position in the journal to that of Western Europe in earlier phases. Cultural materials registered a certain revival with essays by Terry Eagleton and presentation of the debate on 'Aesthetics and Politics' between Adorno, Brecht, Lukács and Benjamin. The theoretical concerns of this period marked a transition in the evolution of the Review, with articles by Ralph Miliband and Norman Geras addressing the institutional specificity and class relations of Western societies, and with studies of social-democratic organization and policy by Göran Therborn and Adam Przeworski. Towards the end of this period there was a recomposition of the editorial committee, with about half of those who had joined in the mid sixties withdrawing and several new editors joining NLR.

9

From the mid to late eighties, an economic critique of the Soviet-bloc systems—whose social antagonisms and negation of democracy had been earlier documented and analysed—was foregrounded, with articles on plan and market, on consumer power and social ownership, by Wlodzimierz Brus, Ernest Mandel, Alec Nove, Robin Murray, Meghnad Desai et al., Diane Elson and R. W. Davies. A succession of contributions from the Soviet author Boris Kagarlitsky analysed the unfolding of glasnost in the Soviet Union. Several articles in NLR 177, 179 and 180 considered the large implications of the moral and political collapse of Communist regimes in 1989. In NLR 180 Fred Halliday and Mary Kaldor assessed 'The Ends of Cold War'. In a different register, a series of articles by Raphael Samuel, 'The Lost World of British Communism', sought to recover the experience and outlook of the militant in the Western CPs. An influential article by Fredric Jameson on postmodernism in NLR 146 led to wide debate on the theoretical and cultural conjuncture in advanced capitalism in the eighties. Stunning reports from Mike Davis in Los Angeles evoked the world of actually existing capitalism. In earlier periods there had been significant articles on women's oppression by male as well as female authors (Wally Seccombe and Maurice Godelier): in this period a series on women's movements covered Spain, Greece, West Germany, Ireland, Japan, France, Bangladesh, India, Brazil and the Middle East. Another series scrutinized the trajectory of the Left in Europe, covering Denmark, Italy, Sweden, France, Spain, Norway and West Germany. So far as the broader political parameters are concerned, debates on Thatcherism, post-Marxism and 'New Times' responded critically to what were seen as unduly iconoclastic and accommodating theses influenced by the rightist climate of the late eighties. In NLR 148 Francis Mulhern, responding to Raymond Williams's work, essayed a bold synthesis of socialism and the concerns of the new social movements. An interview with Jürgen Habermas in NLR 151 addressed the most fundamental questions affecting human solidarity and emancipation. Exchanges and articles on history and social power, 'rational choice' Marxism, post-modernist philosophy, the values of liberalism, and the overthrow of Stalinism, continue to defend the vitality of socialist theory and the fertility of the basic theses of historical and cultural materialism. The varieties of Marxism and socialism espoused in this and earlier periods had the general effect of distancing NLR from the populism, relativism and identity politics found in the broader New Left and post-New Left milieu.

10

From the turn of the nineties, a new set of priorities shaped the agenda of the review. The collapse of Communism in Eastern Europe and the Soviet Union were analyzed in a series of historical retrospects—Jürgen Habermas's 'Rectifying Revolution' (NLR 183), Robin Blackburn's 'Fin de Siècle: Socialism after the Crash' (NLR 185), Benedict Anderson's 'Radicalism after Communism', Peter Wollen's 'Our Post-Communism' (NLR 202), Manuel Riesco's 'Honour to the Jacobins' (NLR 212)—while developments in its wake, from Central Europe to Transcaucasia, were explored by Slavoj Žižek, Ronald Suny, Andrzej Walicki, Ivan Szelenyi, Roy Medvedev, Michael Burawoy, R.W. Davies, Ernest Gellner, Georgi Derluguian and others. Counterpointing this scene, the rise of China as a major power—an area of the world where NLR's coverage had traditionally been weak—was extensively treated in articles on its economy, society, politics and culture: from Richard Smith, Cui Zhiyuan and Roberto Unger, to Lin Chun, Liu Binyan, Zhang Xudong and Jeffrey Wasserstrom, culminating in the round-table on China's future by leaders of the July Fourth movement in NLR 235. In the West, on the other hand, a series of major studies of the dynamics of contemporary world capitalism marked the decade: Robert Brenner's critical assessment of the Regulation School (NLR 188), Giovanni Arrighi's fundamental survey of World Income Inequalities (NLR 189), Andrew Glyn's panorama of the OECD zone in the epoch of Reagan and Thatcher (NLR 195), Michel Aglietta's 'Capitalism at the Turn of the Century' (NLR 232) and Robin Blackburn's analysis of 'The New Collectivism' (NLR 233)—and not least, the enlarged special issue devoted entirely to Robert Brenner's 'Economics of Global Turbulence' (NLR 229), which sold out immediately.

Politically, unlike much of the left, the Review had no truck with the neo-imperialist or 'humanitarian' interventions of the period, attacking Allied interventions in the Gulf and the Balkans without remission (Robert Brenner and Peter Gowan on the war against Iraq; Tariq Ali, Robin Blackburn, Edward Said and Peter Gowan on the war against Yugoslavia). If this was a period that saw the passing of many key figures of the first New Left generation—among those commemorated in the Review were Edward Thompson, Raymond Williams, Ralph Miliband, Raphael Samuel—its intellectual vitality was undiminished. Theoretical debates in NLR ranged from the dynamics of ethnic cleansing and the fate of class politics (Michael Mann) to the legacies of historical materialism and deconstruction (Jacques Derrida and Fredric Jameson); the vicissitudes of post-war sociology (Jeffrey Alexander and Pierre Bourdieu) and the return of social evolutionism (W. G. Runciman and Mike Rustin); the validity of world-systems approaches (Immanuel Wallerstein and Gregor McLennan) and Marxist macro-history (Eric Hobsbawm, Göran Therborn, Tom Nairn); while regular aesthetic discussions featured Peter Bürger, Fredric Jameson, Terry Eagleton, Julian Stallabrass and Malcolm Bull. The 200th issue of the journal, which appeared in the summer of 1993, offers a good summation of the concerns of this phase of the journal.

11

In 2000, NLR was redesigned and relaunched in a new series. Introductory 'Themes' were replaced by 'programme notes' describing each article, and signed editorials on major topics of the day. A regular book review section, interviews and website were added, and in the first issue, Perry Anderson published a manifesto for the journal ('Renewals'). Since then, NLR has led issues with major articles on the United States, Japan, Europe, Britain; and Indonesia, Cuba, Iraq, Mexico, India, Palestine. It has featured major analyses of the global economy and anti-capitalist resistance to it; discussions of world literature and world cinema, cultural criticism and the avant-garde. At the start of the new century, its radicalism and internationalism have been powerfully reaffirmed.
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