(SF) Rally supports arrested Panthers

Documentary screenings and speakers on the life and legacy of Malcolm X

Documentaries 4pm:

"Malcolm X: Make It Plain"

Selections from "What We Want, What We Believe: The Black Panther Party Library"

Speakers 7pm:

Elbert "Big Man" Howard (Founding member of the Black Panther Party, First Editor of the Panther newspaper)

Imam Ali Siddiqui (Founding member of the Islamic Peoples Movement, Co-originator of “New Trend” an Islamic magazine)

followed by q&a and open discussion.

New College of California, North Bay Campus
99 Sixth Street
Santa Rosa CA 95401

I for one think it's wonderful that the collective has stepped up to cover the legal fees of the panthers
you have a lot to be proud of. the Bay Area progressive community stands behind you, and donations are sure to follow.

thank you all
and god bless

The Dialectical manipulation of accusations against Jalil and HermanBell represents a blessing in disguise for the falsehood of 'assassination'of NYPD and SFPD.
Once Jalil and Herman are transfered into the custody of fedearalism some one should file a writ on account of the 'sentence'inequity,between the State of New York and the fedearal sentencing guideline.[idea any good?]
34 years a long way from punishment paid in full for the NYConviction,apart from the innocent issue raging on after that!
Ame'rican from SanJuanBatista shout out to Cisco,Herman,Jalil.As for Nur[Washington]the State of New York waited for certainty of dead,before they release him to the YaseenMosjid in Brooklyn New York.
We were there@EdgarMagarUniversity in Brooklyn New York in 2000 to pray for the soul of an innocent man falsely accuse in an assassination of NYPD1971.
We met Nur in dannemora New York,look like a hobo camp surrounded by concret walls and armed inbreds with guns and license to kill the prisoners@will!
GeorgeJackson was assassinated,who killed George and why he/she not on trial for his assassination in 1971?
So this charge in California an opportunity for the Liberation of these Honorable Intellectuals Americans from the Home of the brave to free themselves with the help of each one of you.Hand in hand together with the mother of resources COMMUNICATIONS@your finger tips.
the internet the property of the american experience.
So Rudy Giuliani reads a book about the Bannano Family,inspires him to go after the Commission,and now a Torture film about brutality brings the District Attorney in California to the spot light for a slam dunk,so it appeared,yet turning this issue into liberation for Jali and herman in perticular the test for would be freedom fighters with trigger fingers on the computer renounce violence blood shead.
Via the Constitution of the United States freedom for the PuertoRican Cisco and the African Americans in 2007!
Eco Avila send you all salamu alaikum

Who kill melcolm X for real or part of the overall conspiracy against black nationalist from what evr sect party.
Malcolm X (El Hajj Malik El-Shabazz) was shot three years before Martin Luther King Jr.,during and after the Black Panther Party, foot prints similar in the way that they All had shifted their gaze from their originally narrow focus on civil rights for blacks, expanding to a later broader view, seeking equal rights for all the disaffected in America,perticularly AmericanBlacks and AmericanPuertoricans. They wanted to influence the status quo as a whole. At that point they became more than a nuisance. They became a threat,that was those times.
Now Recognizing that the World Wide Web is a treasure trove of objets trouvés, [Chatterbox.com] [hereby][& EcoAvila] inaugurates an occasional series of links to items that defy (or, at least, don't require) commentary.
Interpretation being the Medias chaos on television, the link is to J. Edgar Hoover's 1913 yearbook page from Central High School in Washington, D.C. Among the items of interest: His nickname was "Speed" and he opposed giving women the vote.
March 21, 1971, a group calling itself the Citizens' Commission to Investigate the FBI mailed or delivered to a congressman and senator as well as to the Washington Post, The New York Times, and the Los Angeles Times a packet containing fourteen documents, selected from over 1,000 stolen from a small FBI office in Media, Pennsylvania, a suburb of Philadelphia. The fourteen documents, all of them dated and undisputed authenticity, show that the FBI concentrates much of its investigative effort on college dissenters and black student groups. According to a memorandum from J. Edgar Hoover such groups "pose a definite threat to the Nation's stability and security," a conclusion that he has not been able to support and that both the Washington Post and The New York Times have challenged.When conducting surveillance of a Swarthmore College philosophy professor regarded as a "radical," the FBI enlisted the assistance of the local police and postmaster, as well as a campus security officer and switchboard operator. In one of the documents, the FBI agent in charge of the Philadelphia bureau instructs his agents at Media that more interviews for plenty of reasons, chief of which are it will enhance the paranoia endemic in these circles and will further serve to get the point across that there is an FBI agent behind every mailbox. In addition, some will be overcome by the overwhelming personalities of the contacting agent and will volunteer to tell all—perhaps on a continuing basis
The existence of the F.B.I. papers came to light during a House Appropriations subcommittee hearing in 2000 just about the Time Blackliberation Army POW was being baried from incapacitation from being framed for killing two NYPD 1971orso, when Representative Jose E. Serrano of New York questioned Louis J. Freeh, then F.B.I. director, on the issue. Mr. Freeh gave the first public acknowledgment of the federal government's Puerto Rican surveillance and offered a mea culpa."Your question goes back to a period, particularly in the 1960's, when the F.B.I. did operate a program that did tremendous destruction to many people, to the country and certainly to the F.B.I.," Mr. Freeh said, according to transcripts of the hearing. Mr. Freeh said that he would make the files available "and see if we can redress some of the egregious illegal action, maybe criminal action, that occurred in the past."The F.B.I. did not work alone.
The affinity of the intelligence mind for the conspiracy offense can be illustrated by the testimony of Detective Sergeant John Ungvary, head of the Cleveland intelligence squad, before a Senate committee. He urged that "if we had a law whereby we can charge all of them [black nationalists] as participants or conspirators…it would be far better than waiting for an overt act…."Before 1963, Baldwin had embraced an "art for art's sake" philasophy and was critical of writers like Richard Wright for their politically-charged works. He did not believe that writers needed to use their writing as a protest tool. After 1963 and the publication of his long essay, however, he became militant in his political activism and as a gay-rights activist. He passionately criticized the Vietnam War, and accused Richard Nixon and J. Edgar plotting the genocide of all people of color. Comparing the Civil Rights Movement to the independence movements in Africa and Asia, he drew the attention of the Kennedys. Robert Kennedy requested his advice on how to deal with the Birmingham, Alabama riots and tried to intimidate him by getting his dossier from Hoover.The technique of broadening the boundaries of subversion has been developed and refined by the Congressional anti-subversive committees: first, by the application of notions of vicarious, imputed, and derived guilt; second, by a process of cross-fertilization which proscribes an organization through the individuals associated with it and the individuals through their relationship to the organization; third, by increasing the number of condemned organizations through their links to one another; fourth, by treating subversion as permanent, irreversible, and even hereditary, with the result that a dossier, no matter how old, never loses its importance nor a subject his "interest."This technique has been ingeniously applied in a remarkable document, A Report on the SDS Riots, October 8-11, 1969, issued by the Illinois Crime Investigating Commission, April, 1970, and reprinted in June, 1970, by the Senate Internal Security Subcommittee. Ostensibly concerned with the Weatherman demonstration ("Days of Rage"), this 400-page report is a virtual encyclopedia of militant radicalism among youth, replete with dossiers, photographs, personal letters, diaries, and documents relating not merely to the SDS figures with whom it purports to be primarily concerned, but to a host of other individuals and organizations about whom the Commission had collected intelligence information and whom it linked in the most tortured fashion to the subject matter of the Commission's report. This information, much of it highly inaccurate, was published purely for the purpose of punitive exposure of intelligence targetsIn 1968, Baldwin published Tell Me How Long the Train's Been Gone, an account of American racism, bitter and incisive. No Name in the Street (1972) predicted the downfall of Euro-centrism and observed that only a revolution could solve the problem of American racism. In 1985, he published The Evidence of Things Not Seen, an analysis of the Atlanta child murders of 1979 and 1980
English work it some what like JEdgarHooverComplex @ExampleSSC or Min.of Def. Malan. Stephen Ellis [Int. Ellis] believed such an operation in a major western European capital had to be cleared at very high levels; at least SSC or Ministry of Defence (then Malan). If so, this assassination was almost certainly directed by ..., according to Ellis at that time the CCB desk officer for Europe (Notes-3). General Marius 0elschig, as a Senior Military Representative must have had some knowledge of this affair. Witness: Mr. De Crepy [Non-Lieu:2]Witness Information: Mr. De Crepy (commercial agent) was the only person who saw at about 09H45 two men (whites) of about 40 years old, coming down the staircase and leaving the building where the ANC had its office [G&D; Non-Lieu: 2]. De Crepy confronted with photographs of Klue (see later) and Rouget (see later) didn't recognice none of these two as one of the two men he had seen. Notes:*1. Joseph Klue, a warrant officer in the SA security police, was a member of the South African Embassy in London ( under Ambassador Marais Steyn) from August 1980 until 1982. He wasn't mentioned in the official Diplomatic List. As a SA spy he tried to enlist ex-British soldiers for the SADF in Namibia and to gather information about black activists of the ANC, PAC and SWAPO. When the British government threatened to expel him for "activities incompatible with his office" , he was recalled to Pretoria. Klue was named in an Old Bailey trial in London in connection with a plot to burgle the offices of black nationalist movements in Britain and steal documents from them [Pauw:208]. In London he seem to have been the assistant of Colonel C. van Niekerk, then the armed forces attaché who would become, as a General the MID's chief of operation in France, Italy, Spain, Portugal and the Benelux countries [WA]. At the time of DS's murder, it was however General Marius Oelschig who had MI responsibility for France and Belgium [CV Oelschig]. The Belgian intelligence identified Joseph Klue as the person who shot at the ANC representative in Brussels, Godfrey Motsepe. Klue could be also involved in the assassination of D.S. [Intel/PP 88 07]. Belgian authorities issued an international warrant for the arrest of Klue [Pauw:208]. KdJ: The TRC should ask the Belgians to handover his file.*2. Dirk K. Stoffberg: South African spy; when questioned by British security officers at London's Heathrow Airport a list of ANC names had been found.[Pauw:208]. He lived from Dec. 1987 until July 1988 in Germany (Frankfurt). Later in Luzern (Switzerland). Was mentioned as the head of the Z-Squad operating in Europe. Although Stoffberg said "Our job was to do the things that the (SA) government could not be seen to be doing", he denied long time to be the head of a SA'n hit-squad or to be responsible for the assassination of D.S.[Roth:56,61]. Stoffberg told Roth [61] that "my people in Johannesburg were responsible for the murder of D.S." He admitted to work for the NIS and claimed responsibility for the murder of Ruth First in Mozambique [Roth:61]. Stoffberg worked in Frankfurt as an arms dealer (through "ABComputers and Electronics", an Iranian company and entertained relations with "Teiger Handels AG" -in St. Gallen, Switzerlandand the "Iran International Trading Company" in Johannesburg)[Roth:54]. In Switzerland (Luzern) Stoffberg was an authorized representative of the "Atlantic Bankers Corporation" in Atlanta/USA, an CIA front company. [Roth:40]. Stoffberg admitted to know Joseph Klue [Roth:67confidential u.n. memo unmasks u.s. covert action against
namibia. CIA supports figurehead and builds secret black army while u.s.
attacks u.n. commissioner. document obtained through sources at u.n.,
provides rare insight into developing covert ops--apparently mounted by CIA
and south african secret police boss. counterspy spring 76. against
namibia's struggle for independence from south africa. counterspy 12/76
42-48south africa, 89 south africa in its far-flung campaign to stem the tide
of black majority rule has backed guerrilla armies in angola and
mozambique, launched periodic commando raids on neighboring capitals and
disrupted vital rail and fuel lines thruout region. south africa penetrated
zimbabwe's central intel org. (cio). much add. info. washington post
10/22/89 c1,4south africa, 92 article by sara miles. while world is told about
black-on-black violence, security forces wage an unofficial war in south
africa's townships. despite proven links to police intel, inkatha remains
example of refusal to see what's in front of your eyes. mother jones 8/92
26-31south africa, rhodesia. southern rhodesian gvt set up central intel
organization (cio). it at heart of secret war to exacerbate tensions among
black nationalist movements. advocates of nationalist unity were
assassinated. cio according to ken flower fomented tribalism and nepotism.
today flower is dead and rhodesia has disappeared. covert action
information bulletin (now covert action quarterly) winter 92-93 647-69 CIA has promoted black cultural nationalism to reinforceneo-colonialism in africa. namebase newsline 12/93 1
death squads
south africa, police colonel eugene de kock, testifying to killing
children, blowing up bodies, bombing church offices and being congratulated
by the racist government. de kock told a sentencing hearing of his work as
a leader of an assassination squad, implicating former president pieter w.
botha and well as cabinet members and a collection of generals. this
applied until the elections of 1994. de kock described an order to bomb the
hqs of the then-new congress of south african trade unions (cosatu), a
black labor federation. botha was president from 84-89. a truth commission
led by desmon tutu, is ferreting out apartheid-era human rights abuses. de
kock has confessed to six murders and his testimony links him to many more.
he took part in 82 bombing of anc hqs in london and received a medal for
this. in 85 and 86 raids on botswana in search for anc operatives. on one
raid a couple and two children were killed. a number of other operations
listed. de kock a colonel who led south africa's police force's vlakplaas
hit squad during 80's is a nightmare of apartheid-era officials. his was
not a rogue element. his unit was a clearing house for weapons procurement,
fraud, bombings and assassinations by an array of police and military
officials. washington post 9/18/96 a1,22
domestic op17-93 stephen tompkins of "the commercial appeal," of memphis ran story
on domestic ops of u.s. military. op began when lt. col. ralph van deman
created an army intel net targeted at: the industrial workers of the world,
opponents of draft, socialists and "negro unrest." files kept at 111th
military intel group at fort mcpherson in atlanta. by 1918, army had spy
chain across south - included robert moton and joel springarm, white
chairman of naacp board. in 1960s, army net moved into high gear. by 63, u2
planes were photographing disturbances in birmingha. by 68, there 304
intel offices across country, "subversive national security dossiers" on
80,731 americans, plus 19 million dossiers at defense dept's central index
of investigations. after 67 detroit riots 496 black men were interviewed by
agents of army's psychological operations group, dressed as civilians. army
increased surveillance of king. green berets and other special forces vets
began making street maps for military-type ops. ku klux klan was recruited
by the 20th special forces group in alabama as a subsidiary intel net. a
green beret special unit in memphis on day king shot. the nation 5/3/93 583
96 a nation of islam lawyer planning a class-action lawsuit charging CIA
deliberately introduced crack cocaine into black communities. this re san
jose mercury news items re crack, cocaine and the contras. washington times
10/1/96 a7africa, 60-70 CIA undertook widespread surveillance and infiltration of
black activist, student and peace groups. recruitment of american blacks to
spy on and neutralize the effects of the black panther party kept secret
because of fears the agency would be accused of being racist. details also
kept from rockefeller commission and senate inquiry into CIA activities.
first principles 4/78 p11angola, 88 rebel leader jonas savimbi appealed for support from two
baptist congregations as part of campaign to widen his appeal to american
blacks. savimbi traveled to d.c. later to meet with members of congress and
adm officials. washington post 6/27/88 a21 black CIA agents penetrated cleaver's entourage. lee, m.a., & shlain, b.(1985). acid dreams 268docs released under foia (33 pages) CIA/resistance/black student unions:
68-71 docs show that project resistance and other programs regularly used
informants (the church report stated the resistance did not run unilateral
informant ops-ed). hopc 5/10/84 p112 from center for national security
studies c-44docs released under foia reveal CIA infiltration of black groups including
the resurrection city encampment. hendricks, e. (ed.). (1982). former
secrets 182domestic collection division, 47-75 formerly called domestic contact
service. master index of 150,000 names plus 50,000 active files. files
reflect relationship with prominent americans who voluntarily assisted CIA.
activities devoted to collection of foreign economic, political, military
and operational info. but not always true, did report on black militants.
reports went to chaos office. rc report 208-213. report discusses dcd but
does not give name. name derived from cc report. rockefeller commission
report. (1975). report on CIA activities within the u.s. 208-213
former CIA agent said he participated in telephone taps and break-ins to
monitor radicals in new york. CIA supplied him with more than 40
psychological assessments of radical leaders. one of domestic operations
division's first functions was to infiltrate its agents into a radical
unit. his cover office inside corporate hqs. they targeted antiwar
professors and attorneys. agent infiltrated the students for a democratic
society as undercover for over four months. 12 or 13 dod agents sent when
black students took over columbia. group operated by setting up commo van
near targeted group. van had photos of infiltrators for spotting. back up
people would join demonstration and be ready to pull out infiltrators if
something went wrong. new york times 12/24/74 22in 70-71 nixon administration ordered CIA to turn up evidence of foreigninfluence on new left, anti-war movement and black militancy. the nation
2/22/75 201in 89 the national association of black journalists allowed the CIA to
set up a recruiting booth. furor raised resulted in the association
returning the CIA's $750. lies of our time 5/90 12israel, 80-93 new york law enforcement may investigate spying by tomgerard and anti-defamation league informant roy bullock. black united fund
of new york one of 500 groups allegedly spied on by them. s.f. officials
say they believe 20 law enforcement agencies allegedly implicated in effort
to gather info on 10,000 people. neither man charged - both deny
wrongdoing. washington times 4/27/93 a6merrimac, 67-68 originated with office security. designed protect facilities d.c. area. agents infiltrated over ten orgs. from wash ethical
society to black panthers, womens strike for peace, congress of racial
equality. project described in brief. description does not include project
name. rockefeller commission report. (1975). report on CIA activities
within the u.s. 152-55http://www.acorn.net/jfkplace/03/RM/Base/mcgehee.blacksS.Tribune: "New death squad allegations rock SAP, Hit squad dossier", 14/1/90 The consent decree that created the Handschu guidelines settled a 1971 lawsuit brought by the BlackPanther Party, alleging that police engaged in widespread surveillance of legitimate political activity and distributed the information to other law enforcement groups as the local conspiracy from JEdgarHooverState0fMind.net/2made [its] impact on the lives of the AmericanBlackLiberation and americanpuertoricans for content and lack of another or better term.The Handschu guidelines were [modified][thus the modification irrelavent to 1971 ] after the Sept. 11, 2001, terrorist attacks to help the police department investigate terrorism or terrorism-related crimes.end.
River of no return :the autobiography of a Black militant and the life and death of SNCC ... Modern Black nationalism: From Marcus Garvey to Louis Farrakha[14In 1959, two years after McCarthy's death, over 400 agents in the FBI's New York Field Office were assigned to "communism" and only four to organized crime. FBI assistance to the congressional internal security committees also escalated dramatically in response to a new program launched by the FBI in 1956 -- the first of the COINTELPROs. Never content merely to spy and gather intelligence, FBI officials had always intended to use the information gathered during their investigations to discredit dissident political activities. Hereafter, they pursued these objectives on a truly grand scale.]The grand jury "is a grand inquest, a body with powers of investigation and inquisition, the scope of whose inquiries is not to be limited narrowly by questions of propriety or forecasts of whether any particular individual will be found properly subject to an accusation of crime." Blair v. United States, 250 U. S. 273 , 281 (1919). On the reports function of the grand jury, see In re Grand Jury January, 1969, 315 F. Supp. 662 (D. Md. 1970), and Report of the January 1970 Grand Jury (Black Panther Shooting) (N.D. Ill., released May 15, 1970). Congress has now specifically authorized issuance of reports in cases concerning public officers and organized crime. 18 U.S.C. § 333he Power To Compel Testimony and DisclosureTHE best way to deal with radicals is to make them saints. Shortly after Mahatma Gandhi's death, the Hindustan Times bemoaned his glorification by the state. "Gandhi's ashes were not cold before the world began to vulgarise his saintliness by insisting, against the facts, that there was no vulgarity in him. The world finds it hard and self-shaming to believe that truth can be glimpsed from the earth: its heroes must be projected into a nebulous world of 'mysticism'. Gandhi's true monument will be his story - told again and again"(February 9, 1948). In line with this thought, Gandhi's companion, Pyarelal, wrote in Harijan that the expenditure of money to build Gandhi's statues and other such memorabilia must be opposed. Instead, Gandhians must "tidy up the Harijan Quarters in Bhangi Niwas and elsewhere and introduce in them the minimum standards of sanitation and cleanliness and comfort that Gandhiji had envisaged and to the realisation of which he had mortgaged his future hope" (May 8, 1949). If the powers-that-be in India de-fanged Gandhi by elevating him to sainthood, those in the United States tamed Albert Einstein by promoting him to the rank of absent-minded professor. All that was powerful about Einstein became manageable the moment he was seen as harmless, as a genius who played with ideas that had no immediate mundane connection. But, as Einstein's FBI [Federal Bureau of Investigation, the domestic political police] file shows us, he was far more than an other-worldly savant. He was a left-wing activist, steeped in the anti-Nazi, anti-racist, anti-capitalist traditions of his time. As Fred Jerome tells us, "[FBI Director] J. Edgar Hoover's hostility to dissenters and political activists is no longer news. The news is that through its hostility, the Bureau's dossier begins to describe a dimension of Einstein's life almost completely omitted from his popular image" (page xxii). This is despite the fact that Einstein himself repeated his mantra: "My life is divided between equations and politics." BORN in 1879 in Kaiser Wilhelm's Germany, Einstein drew inspiration from his family's business in dynamos. In 1895, he fled the military draft for Switzerland, studied theoretical physics at Zurich's Polytechnic Institute, adopted Swiss citizenship, worked in the Swiss Patent Office, and spent his days amongst the socialist and anarchist students at the Odeon Cafe, alongside radical Russian refugees such as Alexander Kollontai, Leon Trotsky and Vladimir I. Lenin. In 1905, Einstein published four papers, including his Special Theory of Relativity (E=MC2), and after holding posts in Zurich and Prague, allowed Max Planck to woo him back home to Berlin in 1914.
Unjust fate drew this radical pacifist back into the jaws of war. Planck joined most German scientists in their "Manifesto to the Civilized World," a document laced with racist proto-Nazi notions to justify the Kaiser's war against the "shameful spectacle of Russian hordes allied with Mongols and Negroes unleashed against the white race". Einstein, in his first major political act, joined three other scientists to release a "Manifesto to Europeans": "Nationalist passions cannot excuse this attitude which is unworthy of what the world has heretofore called culture. It would be a grave misfortune were this spirit to gain general currency among the intellectuals. It would not only threaten culture as such, it would endanger the very existence of the nations for the protection of which this barbarous war is intended" (page 17).

Einstein's strong anti-War stance and the fact that he was Jewish, brought forth opprobrium from the emergent fascist bands within Germany. Things got so bad so fast that in 1920, the Weimar government released a statement against the attacks, but for its own venal ends: "We should not drive out of Germany a man with whom we could make real cultural propaganda" (page 19). For the decade before he eventually won the Nobel Prize in 1921, a Nobel committee member, physicist Philipp Lenard, blocked his nominations. Lenard, well-known for his anti-Semitism, became Hitler's principal scientific adviser. But Einstein's political ethics hardened as he experienced the growth of fascism in Weimar Germany.

In the first three years of the 1930s, Einstein visited the U.S. to teach at the California Institute of Technology, Caltech. During his first visit, this founder of the War Resisters League, counselled young people: "If only two per cent of those assigned to military service [refused to fight], governments would be powerless. They would not dare send such a large number of people to jail" (page 21). Interactions with the Left moved Einstein away from the belief that war resulted from the wiles of aggressive men toward the view that war served the economic interests of the powerful and the rich. In 1932, Einstein told an audience at Caltech: "At a time when we are rich in consumable goods and means of production as in no previous generation before us, a great part of humanity suffers severe want; production and consumption falter to an increasing degree, and confidence in public institutions has sunk as never before. It is not in intelligence that we lack for overcoming evil, but in unselfish, responsible devotion [to] the common weal" (page 21).

When the Nazis took power in 1933, Einstein was in the U.S. Unable to return to his home in Germany, the scientist settled in the U.S., at the Institute for Advanced Study in Princeton, for the remainder of his life.

The U.S. government's interest in Einstein develops from this time onward and the FBI begins to accumulate evidence to deport Einstein as an "undesirable alien" with close to 2,000 pages of documentation. It was first released in 1983, after being heavily censored, but was subsequently turned over after a request under the Freedom of Information Act by Jerome and the Public Citizen Litigation Group. Einstein knew that he was under surveillance, as he told the Polish Ambassador to the U.S. at a dinner in 1948: "I suppose you must realise by now that the U.S. is no longer a free country, that undoubtedly our conversation is being recorded. This room is wired, and my house is closely watched" (page 93).

WHY was Hoover so eager to bag Einstein, especially when the risk of a backlash was so very great? From the first notations in August 1932, which included a rather off-balance letter from the Woman Patriot Corporation, an anti-feminist and anti-Semitic organisation of the plutocracy, to a mammoth Summary Report of 1953 and until Hoover's final letter with instructions to bury the file and discredit a major informant (Louis Gibarti, a former Comintern agent) in October 1955, the Einstein investigation and file had to be kept absolutely secret. In a notation on Hoover's report to a G-2 military investigation that denied Einstein clearance to work on the Manhattan Project, General Sherman Miles wrote: "There is some possibility of flameback," that is, if the story leaked that the government had investigated Einstein, one of the world's most popular men, it would make the U.S. government look bad (page 38). Indeed, despite the vast amount of material in the file on Einstein's left-wing activity, Hoover correctly inferred that Einstein's linkage to any left-wing group would bring it fame and publicity. If the U.S. government wished to "nail Einstein (it) would have to focus on something much more sinister - like espionage" (page 175).

Once the Soviet Union tested a nuclear device, political repression in the U.S. focussed on the question: Who sold the secrets of the U.S. bomb? There was to be no question in the U.S. media that the Soviets could make a bomb themselves, so the culprit must come from within the U.S. ranks itself. The Red Scare of the 1950s followed, and the U.S. government paraded on television a host of "Red Spies" (Alger Hiss, Judith Coplon, Owen Lattimore, William Remington, David Greenglass, and Ethel and Julius Rosenberg) as proof that the U.S. was both technologically unmatched and that any leaks would be plugged by the omniscient FBI. Einstein was to be Hoover's prize, his ticket to higher office and legendary status.

The problem was that while Einstein was a man of the Left, he did not have any direct connection with the nuclear programme. Hoover's FBI had seen to it that the pacifist did not get picked for the Manhattan Project, although most of the scientists who worked there came from overseas and from the Left (on Robert Oppenheimer, for instance, the FBI generated 7,000 pages, including his self-assertion that he had "lots of Communist friends"). When British intelligence arrested Klaus Fuchs in February 1950, the FBI tried to find out if there was any link between Einstein and Fuchs, whether Einstein's house in Berlin functioned as a "cable drop" for the Soviets and whether the Soviets held Einstein's son hostage in Russia so that he would work for them. Without evidence, the Einstein file was provoked over and over by Hoover's desperate enthusiasm and by unnamed "sources," who Jerome argues, had been Nazi agents now on the U.S. payroll. "If extreme right-wing German newspapers are good as anti-Einstein sources," Jerome argues, "extreme right-wing Germans are better" (page 275).

Unable to get Einstein, Hoover nonetheless amassed information on many of Einstein's activities that are now almost universally forgotten. For the sake of simplicity, his struggles can be divided into four categories:

1. Marxism: In May 1949, two economists launched a landmark Marxist journal, Monthly Review, to be published in New York City. Now over five decades later, the journal continues to publish top-quality work in history, sociology, politics and economics. In its first issue (noted in Einstein's FBI file by an informant in the Chinese Consulate!), Einstein published an article entitled "Why Socialism?" Close to the end of his impassioned article, Einstein concluded: "This crippling of individuals I consider the worst evil of capitalism. Our whole educational system suffers from this evil. An exaggerated competitive attitude is inculcated into the student, who is trained to worship acquisitive success as a preparation for his future career. I am convinced there is only one way to eliminate these grave evils, namely through the establishment of a socialist economy, accompanied by an educational system which would be oriented toward social goals. In such an economy, the means of production are owned by society itself and are utilised in a planned fashion. A planned economy, which adjusts production to the needs of the community, would distribute the work to be done among all those able to work and would guarantee a livelihood to every man, woman, and child. The education of the individual, in addition to promoting his own innate abilities, would attempt to develop in him a sense of responsibility for his fellow men in place of the glorification of power and success in our present society."

While Einstein was clearly a socialist and while he admired Marxism, he felt that the anti-Semitic acts of the Soviet administration blemished the theory. "The philosophy behind communism has a lot of merit, being concerned with ending the exploitation of the common people and the sharing of goods and labour, according to the needs and abilities," he said in an interview. "Communism as a political theory is a tremendous experiment, but, unfortunately, in Russia, it is an experiment conducted in a poorly equipped laboratory" (page 150). He remained a committed socialist until he died in 1955.

2. Anti-Racism: In 1950, Stalin apparently invited Einstein to come and live in the Union of Soviet Socialist Republics (USSR). Einstein wrote back, "Why are Jewish scientists not permitted to hold prominent posts? Why are apparently necessary obstacles placed in the way of Jewish scientific and research workers? Why were certain Jewish professors of medical science not elected to the recently created Medical Academy?" (pages 148-149). Sympathetic to communism, Einstein nonetheless was a dedicated anti-racist and would not allow any discrimination to go unnamed. Experiences of anti-Semitism in Germany drew from Einstein a strong distaste for racism and he spent his years in the U.S. as a champion of oppressed peoples across the world. In the 1950s, Einstein condemned racism in the U.S. whole-heartedly. "Race prejudice has unfortunately become an American tradition which is uncritically handed down from one generation to the next."

The words came with action. When Einstein was on sojourn at Caltech in 1931, he got involved with the Scottsboro case, a legal and political campaign led by the U.S. Communist Party to free nine black youth falsely accused of rape and sentenced to death. After the War, black troops returned and sought the freedom they had fought for in Europe. But what they faced was a reassertion of white supremacy. Anyone who asserted their rights was killed, often by lynching. Einstein joined a group of prominent anti-racists to form the American Crusade Against Lynching in 1946. In this campaign, Einstein met the great communists Paul Robeson and W. E. B. Du Bois. Through them, Einstein would be involved in the most important anti-racist movements of the 1940s and the 1950s, such as in the Civil Rights Congress, which placed the 'We Charge Genocide' petition before the United Nations in 1950. Robeson, on the other side, developed the link between anti-racism against blacks and Jewish people before his encounter with Einstein. In 1933, he offered the proceeds from a special performance of Eugene O'Neill's All God's Chillun Got Wings to Jewish refugees fleeing the fascist terror in Europe. In 1934, Robeson said of Nazism that it was "the most retrograde step the world has seen for centuries."

3. Anti-Fascism: The connection between racism in the U.S. and fascism in Europe was second nature to most of those who suffered under the heel of either. When the black poet Langston Hughes travelled to Spain in defence of the republic in 1937, he wrote, "We Negroes in America do not have to be told what Fascism is in action. We know. Its theories of Nordic supremacy and economic suppression have long been realities to us." Einstein not only put his energy into assistance for refugees fleeing Nazism, but he also took up the cause of Spain in defiance of the U.S. government's policy of "neutrality" (while the U.S.-based oil giant Texaco fuelled Franco's Italian and German planes!). Einstein became a strong supporter of the Abraham Lincoln Brigade, the contingent of volunteers from the U.S. who went to defend the republic. In 1937, Einstein wrote, "At this moment, I assure you how intimately united I feel with the Loyal Forces and with their heroic struggle in this great crisis of your country" (pages 28-29).

In 1942, Einstein offered a fuller analysis of the Spanish crisis with an eye to the emergent imperialism of the U.S.: "Why did Washington help to strangulate Loyalist Spain? Why has it an official representative in fascist France? Why does it not recognise a French government in exile? Why does it maintain relations with fascist Spain? Why is there no really serious effort to assist Russia in her dire need? It is a government to a large degree controlled by financiers, the mentality of whom is near to the fascist frame of mind. If Hitler were not a lunatic, he could have remained friends with the Western powers" (page 35).

4. Anti-Imperialism: In line with this analysis of world events, Einstein strongly opposed U.S. imperialism. When it became clear that Hitler's scientists may produce an atomic bomb, Einstein joined with other progressive scientists to urge Roosevelt to create the Manhattan Project. Like them, he was eager to use the technology to checkmate the Nazis and strongly protested both the U.S. government's use of the bomb in Japan and the consequent expansion of its military power. Einstein was a founding member of the Emergency Committee of Atomic Scientists, the umbrella network of a host of anti-nuclear, anti-imperialist groups. In early 1950, Einstein appeared on Eleanor Roosevelt's television show to declare that not only was "annihilation of any life on earth within the range of technical possibilities," but that the arms race was "a disastrous illusion" which "assumes [a] hysterical character" and which, in sum, would lead to the "concentration of tremendous financial power in the hands of the military."

A strong internationalist, Einstein felt that "nationalism is an infantile disease. It is the measles of mankind" (page 144). He appreciated the need for state sovereignty to protect oneself from imperialism, but loathed the transformation of this need into the myth of nationalist chauvinism. A strong supporter of Israel, Einstein nonetheless felt that he would rather "see a reasonable agreement with the Arabs based on living together in peace than the creation of a Jewish state." In a letter to Chaim Weizman, Israel's first President, Einstein wrote, "If we do not succeed in finding the path of honest cooperation and coming to terms with the Arabs, we will not have learned anything from our two-thousand-year ordeal and will deserve the fate which will beset us." When Weizman died in 1952, Prime Minister David Ben Gurion asked Einstein if he would be the President of Israel, but he declined. A few years later, Einstein noted presciently, "The most important aspect of [Israel's] policy must be our ever-present, manifest desire to institute complete equality for the Arab citizens living in our midst. The attitude we adopt toward the Arab minority will provide the real test of our moral standards as a people" (pages 110-111).

Einstein's anti-imperialist stance drew him towards the advocacy of a single world government, a supra-national body governed by all the peoples of the world. If this vision could not be turned into policy because of its sheer vagueness, Einstein counselled his friends and admirers against the duality of the Cold War. In November 1949, Nehru visited him in Princeton and Einstein encouraged him to pursue and give leadership to the Non-Aligned Movement. Later Nehru remembered that it was the conversation with Einstein that emboldened him to argue, "India must stand outside the two big blocs and seek rather to represent the millions in East and West who do not want a global war" (page 116).

HOOVER'S strategy to defrock Einstein ultimately failed, mainly because of the scientist's popularity across the planet. What damaged Einstein's convictions was not the charge of espionage, but that of being an absent-minded professor. History defrauded Einstein of his values. A year before his death in 1955, Einstein explained, "A large part of history is replete with the struggle for human rights, an eternal struggle in which a final victory can never be won. But to tire in that struggle would mean the ruin of society" (page 282). Fred Jerome's book has brought Einstein back to life and reminded us, with this important man's words, that our world needs courageous visions and consistent struggle to lift us out of our current impasse. We need to "get Einstein" in these times; not the man, but the fullness of his ethical vision.

As I close this review, on May 21, comes the report that Stephen J. Gould, the enormous evolutionary biologist and science writer, succumbed to cancer. Like Einstein, Gould's politics have been shrouded by the media, which was eager to hold him up as a popular writer, but not so keen on his consistent socialism. In October 1998, Gould participated with his comrade in science, Richard Levins, and others on a "roundtable on the future of the Left," in honour of the 150th anniversary of the Communist Manifesto.

Early in the discussion he gave us these words, a fitting tribute to his marriage of science and politics: "I just wanted to throw in one other issue. It just amazes me, this [U.S. State Department theorist, Francis] Fukuyama-style proposition of the 'ends' of things; I guess 'end books' sell, but this confident assertion that you hear over and over again with a battering ram, that somehow the collapse of the Soviet Union means that this other system is triumphant forever, is something we ought to dissect a little bit. What I wanted to throw in, given the experience of history, is that nothing's not only forever, nothing even lasts a human eye-blink, not to mention a geological eye-blink. But I think there is one other argument we need to talk about that's behind that, if not always articulated. This gets back to my own field, or evolutionary biology. That is, one of the deepest assumptions is that socialism has been shown to be incompatible with human nature. Even those who say 'capitalism forever' will allow that it's not in theory the fairest of systems, but it has now been decided, so they say, that human nature is effectively selfish, and that the socialist person cannot be constructed. I think we have to continue to push the nonsensical nature of that point. Embedded in the notion of capitalism's permanence is a theory about human nature that is not articulated often enough and that we have to continue to battle, because it's so blatantly false in this flexible species around us."
Vijay Prashad is Associate Professor and Director, International Studies Programme,Trinity College, Hartford, U.S

Immunity
"Immunity statutes, which have historical roots deep in Anglo-American jurisprudence, are not incompatible [with the values of the self-incrimination clause]. Rather they seek a rational accommodation between the imperatives of the privilege and the legitimate demands of government to compel citizens to testify. The existence of these statutes reflects the importance of testimony, and the fact that many offenses are of such a character that the only persons capable of giving useful testimony are those implicated in the crime."[219] Apparently the first immunity statute was enacted by Parliament in 1710and it was widely copied in the colonies. The first federal immunity statute was enacted in 1857, and immunized any person who testified before a congressional committee from prosecution for any matter "touching which" he had testified.[221]
Revised in 1862 so as merely to prevent the use of the congressional testimony at a subsequent prosecution of any congressional witness,[222] the statute was soon rendered unenforceable by the ruling in Counselman v. Hitchcock[223] that an analogous limited immunity statute was unconstitutional because it did not confer an immunity coextensive with the privilege it replaced. Counselman was ambiguous with regard to its grounds because it identified two faults in the statute: it did not proscribe "derivative" evidence[224]and it prohibited only future use of the compelled testimony.[225] The latter language accentuated a division between adherents of "transactional" immunity and of "use" immunity which has continued to the present.[226] In any event, following Counselman, Congress enacted a statute which conferred transactional immunity as the price for being able to compel testimony,[227] and the Court sustained this law in a five-to-four decision.[228]
"The 1893 statute has become part of our constitutional fabric and has been included 'in substantially the same terms, in virtually all of the major regulatory enactments of the Federal Government."'[229] So spoke Justice Frankfurter in 1956, broadly reaffirming Brown v. Walker and upholding the constitutionality of a federal immunity statute.[230] Because all but one of the immunity acts passed after Brown v. Walker were transactional immunity statutes,[231] the question of the constitutional sufficiency of use immunity did not arise, although dicta in cases dealing with immunity continued to assert the necessity of the former type of grant.[232] But beginning in 1964, when it applied the self-incrimination clause to the States, the Court was faced with the problem which arose because a State could grant immunity only in its own courts and not in the courts of another State or of the United States.[233] On the other hand, to foreclose the States from compelling testimony because they could not immunize a witness in a subsequent "foreign" prosecution would severely limit state law enforcement efforts. Therefore, the Court emphasized the "use" restriction rationale of Counselman and announced that as a "constitutional rule, a state witness could not be compelled to incriminate himself under federal law unless federal authorities were precluded from using either his testimony or evidence derived from it," and thus formulated a use restriction to that effect.[234] Then, while refusing to adopt the course because of statutory interpretation reasons, the Court indicated that use restriction in a federal regulatory scheme requiring the reporting of incriminating information was "in principle an attractive and apparently practical resolution of the difficult problem before us," citing Murphy with apparent approval.[235]
Congress thereupon enacted a statute replacing all prior immunity statutes and adopting a use-immunity restriction only.[236] Soon tested, this statute was sustained in Kastigar v. United States.[237] "[P]rotection coextensive with the privilege is the degree of protection which the Constitution requires," wrote Justice Powell for the Court, "and is all that the Constitution requires. . . ."[238] "Transactional immunity, which accords full immunity from prosecution for the offense to which the compelled testimony relates, affords the witness considerably broader protection than does the Fifth Amendment privilege. The privilege has never been construed to mean that one who invokes it cannot subsequently be prosecuted. Its sole concern is to afford protection against being 'forced to give testimony leading to the infliction of penalties affixed to . . . criminal acts.' Immunity from the use of compelled testimony and evidence derived directly and indirectly therefrom affords this protection. It prohibits the prosecutorial authorities from using the compelled testimony in any respect, and it therefore insures that the testimony cannot lead to the infliction of criminal penalties on the witness."[239]
A long way from leavenworth.
http://www.infoshop.org/inews/article.php?story=04/02/04/6449579
SanFrancisco@OaklandAmericanLiberation Icon:BlackPanthers WalkingTour in leather/signs for the freedom of Jalil Mustaqim/Herman Bell.. take on a life of its own as the Cities protect the assassination frame-up propraganda from Hoovers Complex Conspiracy stateofmind.web/ - 02/11/2007
http://www.itoldyouso.com/
February BlackLiberation month
by Eco Avila - Electromagneto Friday, Feb 9 2007, 7:52pm
COINTELPRO
Predictably, the most serious of the FBI's disruption programs [1956 -1971-2007] were those directed at "Black Nationalists." These programs ... initiated under liberal Democratic administrations, had as their purpose "to expose, disrupt, misdirect, discredit, or otherwise neutralize the activities of black nationalist, hate-type organizations and groupings, their leadership, spokesmen, membership, and supporters"...Agents were instructed to "inspire action in instances where circumstances warrant."
Specifically, they were to undertake actions to discredit these groups both within the "responsible Negro community" and to "Negro radicals," and also "to the white community, both the responsible community and liberals' who have vestiges of sympathy for militant black nationalists..."
- Noam Chomsky
WHITFIELD: It was the turbulent 60s that spawned the Black Panther Party, called for a revolution, armed if necessary to correct what they saw as civil social and criminal injustices against black Americans. Huey P. Newton and Bobby Seale started the movement in October 1966 in Oakland, California. Among their goals for black America, full employment, decent housing, an end to police brutality and freedom for all black men in prison.
A year later Newton was arrested for killing a police officer in a shoot-out. The free Huey movement would help make Eldridge Cleaver, and Bobby Seale household names while spreading their message. By 1969 the organization claimed it had gone from 500 members to 5,000 in 45 chapters from Los Angeles to Chicago to New Haven. That same year, the Panthers national free breakfast for school children program began. The group claimed to serve 10,000 children daily.
The Panthers had also become fixtures on college campuses often selling communist literature to earn money to buy weapons. They had also become targets of police and the FBI with director J Edgar Hoover calling the group the greatest threat to internal security of the country. Some conflicts with law enforcement ended in deadly gun battles. 1969 was the year the structure of the Panthers began to crumble.
http://www.infoshop.org/inews/article.php?story=04/02/04/6449579
So out from the shadows along with the KKK ,the terminator from california offensive against the BlackReporationMovement in 2007/ assassinations from the complex mind@JEdgarHoover.0j0/BlackPantherParty CaliforniaDreaming of convicting 8 people for the killing assassination type classic,of police officer Young a victim as well.
8 people pulled the trigger.
mindBlugging@Foolishness /consequences freedom for jalil and herman
free@last free@last/send the reporation check to Tupacshakur Thuglife.com/4Jalil&Herman&do not forget the family of AlbertWashington a/k/a militant black nationalist friend of the oppress downtrodden muslim shia of AliTurab@DannamoraEmpireState claimed the life of am innocent black panther/liberation army of the willing step up to the call@Philadelphia Freedom Liberty

I know a fellow was in BordentownReformatory class of 1967-8 for a crime he did not committ,upgraded to USPClass of 1975-1988 for BankRobberies[3] certainly didit.com/

take care Jalil hope you are out from ny to california is the place to be,mansions swimming pools millioniar sort of life you and herman have pending materialize.

stand in ruku and quiyam like they do@theH@@D/graveyard.

Sept 16, 1975 PO Andrew Glover #14007, 9 Pct, Shot-Assassination
Sept 16, 1975 Sgt Frederick Reddy #1258, 9 Pct, Shot-Assassination

In 1987, rapper Ice-T released "Cop Killer," a heavy-metal song about a young black[puertorican] man repeatedly pulled over and beaten by police[sent to greenhaven,repeatedly] until his release in 1974 and in anger drove him to murder the next 2 police officer who stopped him on 5th street and wanted to take him in for interrogation for the fun of a red light with no license to boot.Alerted by a 10-13 radio call (assist police officer) sept16,1975, squad cars converge on East Fifth Street between Avenues A and B at 9:15 p.m. Sergeant Reddy lies near his own squad car, shot once in the heart with a .38. Officer Glover, shot twice in the head and chest, apparently with the same gun, lies a few feet away near a battered red 1967 Plymouth convertible. Reddy had managed to get off three shots. Glover clutches a Pennsylvania title of ownership for the Plymouth. Witnesses say that Glover was apparently carrying out a [routine] check of the car, which was double-parked.
Police Historical records call it assassination/shot.
TimesReporter 1975 said it like it was.Lucky for Luis Serrano-Velez someone writing from the anatomy of a manhunt gun fight on the streets of new york

Sergeant Reddy lies near his own squad car, shot once in the heart with a .38,after taking 3 shots@the american black bank robber. Officer Glover, shot twice in the head and chest, apparently with the same gun, lies a few feet away near a battered red 1967 Plymouth convertible. Reddy had managed to get off three shots first,but missed Luis SerranoVelez. Officer Glover a victim of his nearness to sgt F.Reddy was unable to co,p-let the assassination on Luis Serrano Velez,was shot 2 times,while holding,clutches a Pennsylvania title of ownership for the Plymouth.{ Witnesses }say that Glover was apparently carrying out a [routine] check of the car, which was double-parked.
Police Historical records call it assassination/shot.The shooter been in prison 32years and counting.

Protesting in the Queens neighborhood of Sean Bell (the 23-year-old who was killed last week outside a strip club in the wee hours of his wedding day by police gunfire), the New Black Panther Party staged a "March of Outrage" yesterday. Among their [protest messages] were "Death to the pigs" and "Shoot back."
[[Wonder who had this signs.]][??]]
I know BlackPanthers prohibition of blood shed,renounce violence and war!

http://suitablyflip.blogs.com/suitably_flip/2006/12/new_black_panth.html