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Haiti Foreign Press Liason Update 2/11

by Michelle Karshan
1. Congressman Gregory W. Meeks Calls on Powell for Haiti Solution 2. Crisis in Haiti, (Washington Post EDITORIAL), February 11, 2004 3. Haiti Erupts (New York Times EDITORIAL), , February 11, 2004 4. Haiti grapples with violence... (Miami Herald EDITORIAL) February 11, 2004
Michelle Karshan, Foreign Press Liaison
National Palace, Haiti
Tel: (011509) 228-2058
Fax: (011509) 228-2171
Email: mkarshan [at] aol.com


Haiti: Foreign Press Liaison Update - February 11, 2004

1. Congressman Gregory W. Meeks Calls on Powell for Haiti Solution
2. Crisis in Haiti, (Washington Post EDITORIAL), February 11, 2004
3. Haiti Erupts (New York Times EDITORIAL), , February 11, 2004
4. Haiti grapples with violence... (Miami Herald EDITORIAL) February 11, 2004
5. Council on Hemispheric Affairs Memorandum to the Press, February 10, 2004
6. What's behind the violent uprisings in Haiti? Robert Maguire
ChristianScienceMon
7. Aristide's Supporters Fighting Back, by Scott Wilson, Washington Post
8. Democracy supersedes Aristide, Letter to Editor Christian Science Monitor
9. IMAGES
10. Websites from the Government of Haiti
11. Recent articles of interest on the web



1. Congressman Gregory W. Meeks Calls on Powell for Haiti Solution, Press
Release and Letter to Secretary of State Colin Powell, February 10, 2004

2/10/04 12:31:00 PM

To: National Desk

Contact: Mischa Thompson, 202-225-3461; Candace Sandy, 718-949-5600 or
917-714-3275; both of the Office of Congressman Gregory W. Meeks

WASHINGTON, Feb. 10 /U.S. Newswire/ -- Yesterday Congressman Gregory W. Meeks
of the 6th District of New York called on Secretary of State Colin Powell to
back CARICOM's plan to end the political impasse that has lead to violence in
Haiti.

A few weeks ago the Caribbean Community (CARICOM) put forth a proposal that
would lead to a democratic and peaceful end to the political situation that has
turned violent in Haiti. The U.S. has yet to publicly back this proposal.

"People are dying in Haiti. Our government must do something now," said the
Congressman. Powell is scheduled to speak before the House International
Relations Committee this week to justify the President's international programs and
budget. Meeks has requested that Powell issue a statement backing the CARICOM
proposal.

The text of Congressman Gregory W. Meeks Letter to Secretary of State Colin
Powell is attached:

-----

Feb. 9, 2004

Dear Mr. Secretary:

As you testify at the House International Relations Committee Hearing this
week, I urge you to publicly support the Caribbean Community's (CARICOM)
proposal to end the political impasse that has lead to violence in Haiti. I also
encourage you to lead our government in taking a more active role in mediating a
solution in Haiti.

It is my understanding that the Caribbean Community (CARICOM) has put forth a
proposal that would lead to a democratic and peaceful end to the political
situation that has resulted in the current crisis in Haiti, but that despite
other efforts you have engaged in to assist Haiti, neither you, nor other senior
officials from our government have yet to issue a statement publicly
supporting this proposal.

To my knowledge the CARICOM proposal is similar to the OAS Resolution that
our government previously supported, and calls for a democratic and peaceful
solution to the current conflict in Haiti. For instance, the proposal calls for
the Haitian government and opposition to take concrete steps to reduce tensions
and to negotiate a nonviolent and democratic resolution to the crisis.

With news reports this weekend of violence spreading to as many as 9 towns,
and as many as 40 people being killed, something must be done to prevent
further deaths! Publicly supporting the CARICOM proposal at the upcoming House
International Relations Committee Hearing is the first step in reiterating U.S.
support for a peaceful solution in Haiti. However, most importantly, the US must
make it clear to all sides, that given the developing humanitarian crisis and
the very real threat of more bloodshed, it is time for political leaders on
all sides to put the Haitian people's needs ahead of their own desires. Thus,
the opposition must be encouraged to re-consider the CARICOM plan and the
Haitian government must be held accountable in implementing it.

I look forward to your remarks at the House International Relations Committee
Hearing.

Sincerely,

/s/

GREGORY W. MEEKS, Member of Congress


2. Crisis in Haiti, (Washington Post EDITORIAL), February 11, 2004

HAITI STOOD on the verge of revolution or anarchy last night. Armed gangs
opposed to President Jean-Bertrand Aristide controlled a number of towns,
and fighting was reported in the second-largest city, Cap Haitien. Scores
have been killed since rebellion began last week, and the United Nations is
warning of an imminent food crisis. Yet neither the United States nor
Haiti's other neighbors appear prepared to come to its rescue. They are
standing by as a violent movement, made up at least in part of criminals and
thugs with connections to Haiti's last dictatorship, overthrows a
democratically elected president -- or is itself brutally put down.

The lack of American activity is a strange sequel to the 1994 U.S. invasion
that restored Mr. Aristide to power, and irresponsible considering the
potential for another mass movement of Haitian refugees to the United
States. But senior Republican and Bush administration officials are loath to
help Mr. Aristide, whose restoration they opposed. Though the State
Department has issued calls for an end to the violence, little has been done
to discourage Mr. Aristide's opposition from thinking it can and should oust
the president by force -- an act that ought not to be condoned against an
elected leader. Some officials may believe that such an outcome might make
possible an end to years of political crisis and conflict in Haiti, much of
it caused by Mr. Aristide. If so, they are probably wrong.

Mr. Aristide, once a populist priest, has cruelly disappointed Haitians who
believed he would consolidate democracy and begin to develop the Western
Hemisphere's poorest country. Though his own election was fair, he has
tolerated fraudulent manipulation of parliamentary elections and violence by
his supporters against journalists, human rights activists and others who
oppose him. He has repeatedly promised compromise and reform, and failed to
deliver. This month, however, Mr. Aristide agreed to a list of demands from
a group of Caribbean countries known as Caricom, including the establishment
of a joint advisory council with opposition groups.

The leading opposition political organizations call themselves democratic,
but they have refused any solution short of Mr. Aristide's removal from
office. For weeks they have been conducting demonstrations and strikes,
sometimes with violent results. Now they seem to hope they can capitalize on
the armed rebellion, which was initiated in the city of Gonaives by a gang
of toughs that once was allied with Mr. Aristide but broke with him last
year. It's foolish to expect that a victory of the street fighters over the
president's police force will open the way to more liberal government or an
end to violence. Haiti's only hope is a forceful diplomatic intervention and
a brokered political solution. That will require the United States to play a
leading role, not hand off responsibility to Caribbean diplomats. If the
Bush administration gives in to the temptation to sit on its hands in the
hope of seeing Mr. Aristide's downfall, it will only invite more misery --
in Haiti, and very likely, in the seas between the island and Florida.


3. Haiti Erupts (New York Times EDITORIAL), , February 11, 2004

Haiti's long smoldering political crisis has exploded into insurrection, with
armed gangs driving the police out of the country's fourth-largest city,
Gonaïves, and at least 10 other towns. Some are now back in government hands, but
more than 40 people have been killed so far, and the violence is far from
over. Haiti's democratically elected president, Jean-Bertrand Aristide, helped
bring this crisis on himself, with his encouragement of mob violence,
politicization of the national police and failure to ensure fair legislative
elections.
Yet many of the insurrectionists are former Aristide allies with even weaker
democratic credentials.

Whoever ultimately prevails in this conflict, democracy and the Haitian
people are likely to be the big losers if it unfolds along its present violent
trajectory. Spreading unrest could send tens of thousands of desperate refugees
fleeing to neighboring countries, including the United States.

If this story is to have a happier ending, those nations must act now, with
Washington in the lead. The 14 other countries of the Caribbean Community have
commendably tried to mediate. But they lack the authority and influence needed
to lead Haiti back from the brink. America alone has that kind of prestige.
It must take constructive action, not just drop hints that Mr. Aristide should
resign.

Nearly a decade ago, the Clinton administration's dispatch of American troops
helped persuade a murderous Haitian military junta to step down, paving the
way for Mr. Aristide to complete his first presidential term, which had been
interrupted by a coup. Unfortunately, Washington's involvement wound down before
the kinds of steps that would have deepened the roots of Haitian democracy —
like creating a professional police force and independent electoral
institutions — were completed. That kind of unglamorous institution-building would
most
likely have prevented the current insurrection and much of the political
crisis that preceded it.

Mr. Aristide's survival in office for the nearly two years remaining in his
presidential term may depend on his willingness to accept an American-led
police retraining effort and international supervision of the next parliamentary
and presidential elections. Washington should now be offering that kind of
assistance and urging Mr. Aristide to accept it.


4. Haiti grapples with violence, lawlessness, Restore Order, Negotiate
Political Solution, February 11, 2004 (Miami Herald EDITORIAL)

Violence and lawlessness have spread like wildfire in Haiti this week,
spiraling the country closer to chaos and, according to a U.N. spokesperson, raising
the possibility of a ``major humanitarian crisis.''

With Gonaives and nearly a dozen towns and villages in open revolt, President
Jean-Bertrand Aristide faces the most serious challenge yet of his, thus far,
failed tenure. His overriding priority must be to direct his weak police
forces in a lawful restoration of order with a minimal use of force. Mr. Aristide
also must find ways to avert a worse disaster caused by fighting that has
interrupted food deliveries, knocked out power and created gasoline shortages.
Finally, he must begin to carry out the ''confidence building measures'' as
outlined last week by CARICOM, Haiti's regional neighbors.

Chaos threatens

The open rebellion and takeover of police stations by undisciplined,
disconnected gangs is an ominous turn. If unchecked, Haiti could be thrown into chaos.
Some of the gangs were once Lavalas Party loyalists supportive of Mr.
Aristide, but not all of them. Few have links or ties to other gangs, and they have
no professed political objective other than opposition to Mr. Aristide.

On Tuesday, some members of opposition parties sought to distance themselves
from the wild, random violence of the gangs even as they stubbornly and
unreasonably continued to insist that Mr. Aristide leave office as a precondition
for their engaging in political negotiations. ''We distinguish the popular
movement we support [that demands] the departure of Jean-Bertrand Aristide from
armed rebels with whom we do not identify ourselves,'' said Micha Gaillard, a
prominent opposition party member.

Meanwhile, U.S. officials sought to calm the situation by pressing Mr.
Aristide to fulfill his pledge to implement the CARICOM agreement and by
collaborating with Canada and Haiti's regional neighbors to encourage ''dialogue,
negotiations and compromise.'' But the White House mustn't waffle on the question of
whether the United States would sanction the violent overthrow of a
democratically elected government in Haiti. Regrettably, State Department spokesman
Richard Boucher was less than clear on the point Tuesday when asked a question
about Mr. Aristide.

Wrong message

''Do you have a position on whether he should stay in office?'' a reporter
asked.

The only answer can be that U.S. policy supports the elected president. That
is no endorsement of Mr. Aristide's behavior, but a recognition that if U.S.
policy in support of democracy is to have any credibility, elections have to
mean something and elected presidents cannot be routed by mobs. Instead, Mr.
Boucher said that a political settlement would require ''some fairly thorough
changes.'' This sends the wrong message. We hope there is still time to rescind
it in favor of unequivocal support of the democratic process.


5. COHA Council on Hemispheric Affairs Memorandum to the Press, February 10,
2004

The following 794-word COHA finding on the rapidly deteriorating situation in
Haiti is available as an op-ed submission (market restrictions will be
respected) or can be freely quoted, with attribution.

COHA has been closely monitoring events in Haiti for many years. It has
issued scores of memoranda on the subject, which can be found on our website. A
COHA research fellow has recently returned from a one-week trip to Haiti and is
available to be interviewed. Please be in touch with our office (202-216-9261)
for additional material or commentary on Haiti.

Memorandum to the Press

Issued 10 February, 2004

HAITI

What had been an increasingly disloyal and violent opposition is now leading
an openly anti-democratic insurrection, as anti-Aristide forces turn Haiti
into a hellish war zone, using sequestered weapons to sack a number of cities.
An existing explosive political stalemate has been worsening since December,
when the rebels adopted a violent street strategy along with an inflexible
policy of non-negotiation to oust President Jean-Bertrand Aristide. Yet for the
State Department, Haiti’s desperate struggle to preserve its hard-won democracy
was given low priority. Strangely, given the likely crushing impact on U.S.
domestic politics registered by tens of thousands of desperate Haitians who
predictably will soon undertake the perilous voyage to Florida, Secretary of
State Colin Powell remains almost languorous in the face of daily fierce melées in
Port-au-Prince. Meanwhile, the Haitian opposition organizes a blatant power
grab through belligerent demonstrations aimed at unseating Aristide. Now
Haiti has entered into an endgame with portentous consequences, as armed
opposition mobs loot a number of cities and scores of residents are killed.

In recent months, the opposition’s strategy has become increasingly clear.
Lacking the numerical strength to win an election, its elitist leaders
threatened to violently oust Aristide if he refused to resign. Haiti’s conservative
factions have despised Aristide for his stridency and radical message ever
since he was first elected in 1990 by a two-thirds majority. His hordes of
adoring followers alienated the island’s tiny mulatto-dominated elite and the country
’s paramilitary. But Aristide was unable to effectively establish security
either by reining in his own Lavalas militants or the opposition’s street
fighters, nor could he entirely professionalize his outnumbered police force. The
opposition’s increasingly bellicose anti-Aristide street marches became a coup
in the making that threatened to replicate the appalling repression suffered
by Haiti under military rule, 1991-94.

Secretary Powell and his controversial Latin American aide, Roger Noriega,
have at best used delphic prose in responding to Haitian issues. Rather than
demanding that the opposition immediately choose its representatives to the
Provisional Electoral Council and end its cat-and-mouse game aimed at sabotaging
any prospect of parliamentary elections (which the opposition almost certainly
would lose), Washington is unable to hide its pro-opposition bias, even though
it cannot be seen as backing the overthrow of a democratically-elected
president.

Given the rebels’ ideological and financial ties to the U.S. — they are
generously funded by U.S. taxpayers through the International Republican Institute
—Washington’s open denouncement of their obstructionism could have an
electrifying positive effect. Yet, this has not been forthcoming, partly because
U.S. hemispheric policy is guided by a small group of extremists with strong
ideological ties to former Senator Jesse Helms, who simplistically see Aristide
as the Caribbean’s next Castro.

Aside from pro-forma language, Washington has shown little interest in
ensuring that Aristide serves out his constitutionally-mandated term through 2006.
On the contrary, it repeatedly questions his bona fides and unfairly holds him
accountable for Haiti’s economic woes — which, in fact, the U.S. almost
single-mindedly has helped to achieve. The White House carped at Aristide’s
admitted shortcomings, while it led efforts to freeze $500 million in international
pledges to the island. The U.S. has placed demands that Aristide could not
possibly fulfill without the resources it will not grant him, thereby giving
the opposition a veritable veto over Haiti’s future. Meanwhile, the political
stalemate that produced a crippled economy has now alienated large numbers of
Haitians, who have lost faith in democracy. In the last few days the situation
has markedly worsened, as street demonstrations have become bloody riots and
armed rebels emerge intent on overthrowing a legal government which, with all
of its flaws, was neither cruel nor authoritarian.

Aside from its impermissible diktat mandating Aristide’s departure, what do
the rebels demand? Starting last December, its thugs took to the streets and
insisted that all schools and hospitals be closed until Aristide leaves, and
then underscored their demands by torching their buildings and roughing up
students. In the last few days, the coup unfolded, as rebel forces seized 9 cities
and hunted down government officials. The preemptory demand for Aristide’s
resignation without further dialogue or negotiation all along has been an
audacious bluff meant to mask the fact that the rebels lacked sufficient votes to
legitimately win an election, although they held Washington’s proxy.

With a Haiti policy long bankrupt and now unraveling, U.S. policymakers have
grossly misused the island’s most valuable political asset, a now tarnished
Aristide. The longer that Washington equivocates, the country’s disintegrating
economy will further sap Aristide’s authority, while the rebels with their
gangster tactics certainly will help propel tens of thousands of Haitian refugees
to head for U.S. shores with a legitimate asylum claim. As Haiti enters its
final destructive phase, the U.S. will rue the day that it birthed such a
spavined policy.
Larry Birns and Jessica Leight

Larry Birns is the director of the Washington-based Council on Hemispheric
Affairs, where Jessica Leight is a research fellow.

The Council on Hemispheric Affairs, founded in 1975, is an independent,
non-profit, non-partisan, tax-exempt research and information organization.


6. Q&A: What's behind the violent uprisings in Haiti? (Robert Maguire)
Christian Science Monitor, February 11, 2004

As a violent uprising in Haiti continues to spread, the country's fragile
peace looks as shaky as it has in a decade. Robert Maguire, Director of
International Affairs & Haiti Programs at Trinity College in Washington DC, spoke with
csmonitor.com's Seth Stern about the situation in Haiti.

What's causing the recent violence? How much is due to anger over the 2000
legislative election which President Jean-Bertrand Aristide's opponents charge
was flawed?

The underlying cause is both economic and political. Politically, it does go
back to the 2000 election and the government's inability to address that issue
effectively and the opponents' inability to participate. It has created this
growing crescendo of political polarization that in the past two months has
reached the shouting point of violence and demonstrations in the street.

The economic component is somewhat linked to those 2000 elections. Even
before that and surely following that, most bilateral and multilateral assistance
was cut off - including by the US. Some $500 million in developmental
assistance was withheld and essentially this has been a resource starved government
unable to invest in social welfare programs, infrastructure development and any
other investments in the hemisphere's poorest country. This has obviously
eroded support of the government since people expected it to deliver and it has
been unable to accomplish virtually anything

Who is in the opposition to Aristide's rule?

The opposition is multi-faceted. The traditional political opposition which
has been intransigently opposed to Aristide since 2000. You have the more elite
opposition to Aristide which is led by more traditional elites - people from
the business class and intellectuals - which has attracted people from middle
and lower middle classes. They are all disaffected by corruption and the
inability to meet the nation's needs.

The third component in this opposition, the one gaining headlines, is the
violent gangs. These gangs are a very fluid bunch. They can shift alliances
pretty easy. They're opportunistic gangs who view politics as a means of survival.
Some of them had been affiliated with the government where as others had not.
Among the gangs, we are currently seeing a resurgence of organized resistance
comprising former Haitian military and paramilitary members.

Is there a danger that former military leaders could seize power?

Not in the immediate future. There is a real danger that whatever public
security Haiti does have could erode. A beleaguered, corrupt, and weakened Haitian
police force will be unable to withstand opponents who are quite well armed
and in many different locations.

Is there any significance that the main site of violence is Gonaives, where a
revolt against former dictator Jean-Claude Duvalier began in 1985?

Gonaives has been a hot bed of political action since 1985. I think that what
may be even more significant is the existence of gangs there. Some of them
were born in the 1985 period. You've had some repeated episodes of violence.

What are Aristide's prospects?

His government has never been unchallenged, but this level of opposition
accompanied by violence is the largest challenge his government has experienced
since he was sworn in Feb. 2001 to a second term. I believe he is intent on
hanging on and I believe that up until now he had the support of the principal
international actors who continue to recognize his legitimacy. We should watch
whether the Haitian government will appeal to the Organization of American
States, since they are now characterizing the violence as an attempted coup d etat.

What are the prospects for a peaceful resolution?

The interesting question is how will the nonviolent opposition will respond
to the increasing violence and chaos being done in their name. I haven't seen
much of a response yet. There is a tendency in Haitian politics to step back
and let violence spin out if you perceive it will help you meet your goals.
That's why it's going to be very important to see what the opposition does -
whether violence could push them to try to mediate a solution with Aristide.


7. Aristide's Supporters Fighting Back, by Scott Wilson, Washington Post,
February 11, 2004

PORT-AU-PRINCE, Haiti, Feb. 10 -- Militant supporters of President
Jean-Bertrand Aristide mounted a vigorous defense of Haiti's second-largest city
Tuesday
in an effort to keep an armed insurrection from spreading.

Aristide's supporters erected burning barricades made of car chassis, rocks
and other debris at the entrance to Cap-Haitien, a day after rebels briefly
took control of a police station on the outskirts of the northern city, according
to radio reports from the region.

Insurgents seeking to oust Aristide attacked and burned three police stations
in the north, including a post they had occupied and lost the previous day in
the town of Dondon. In retaliation, pro-Aristide groups reportedly set afire
several opposition-owned restaurants, lottery stands and homes in Dondon and
the town of St. Raphael.

The fresh violence shifted the focus of Haiti's insurrection, which began
Thursday with an armed uprising in the central coast city of Gonaives, to a
northern region with a history of rebellion. Much of the violence, in which an
estimated 42 people have been killed over the past five days, had been centered
along the country's western coast and in scattered cities in the south.

In Geneva, the U.N. World Food Program on Tuesday warned of imminent food
shortages in northern Haiti because aid shipments that sustain much of the
impoverished country could not pass through roadblocks. The report was an indication
of the insurgency's success at holding territory and the challenge that
Aristide's cash-poor government faces as it tries to dislodge the rebels from
several key regions.

Aristide, a former priest who helped topple the Duvalier family dictatorship,
became Haiti's first freely elected president in 1990, only to be ousted by a
military coup seven months later. The United States invaded Haiti in 1994 to
restore him to power. In November 2000, Aristide was elected to a new
five-year term that was viewed as legitimate by election monitors. But the Bush
administration has criticized the populist president and questioned his commitment
to fair elections and political reform.

The rebels call themselves the Revolutionary Artibonite Resistance Front,
taking their name from the country's central valley. The insurgency is led at
least in part by former members of Haiti's defunct military and the paramilitary
group that opposed Aristide's return. Government officials refer to the group
as the "armed wing" of the civic opposition, a coalition of business
associations, university students and others. That group has planned a street
demonstration in the capital for Thursday.

U.S. officials have discounted the government claim of a link between the
rebels and the civic opposition.

"The political opposition has not been associated with these gangs," said
Richard Boucher, the State Department spokesman. "The gangs themselves have, you
know, many origins and different members. But I think this whole climate of
violence that's been created over time in Haiti has contributed to what we're
seeing now."

Another State Department official, at a briefing for reporters in Washington,
said Aristide and his government "will have to think very seriously about
what to do to preserve themselves in power."

But officials played down the possibility that the United States would press
Aristide to step aside.

Defense Secretary Donald H. Rumsfeld said on Tuesday that the United States
has no plans to intervene. "We have no plans to do anything," Rumsfeld said at
a news conference. "Everyone's hopeful that the situation, which tends to ebb
and flow down there, will stay below a certain threshold."

Opposition rallies have turned violent after coming under attack by armed
pro-government groups, which in recent days have joined Haiti's meager police
force to drive rebels from at least two towns. News reports said Haiti's police
force, which has dwindled from 5,000 officers to roughly 3,000 in recent years,
resisted insurgent attacks Tuesday in the northern town of Plaisance.

Elsewhere, Gonaives, Haiti's fourth-largest city, remained in rebel control.
In St. Marc, the central coast town about 50 miles north of here, about two
dozen anti-riot policemen expected a counterattack.

Communications equipment at one police station had been stolen, an official
said, and another had been torched and looted. The official said rebels had
released prisoners from the two jails.

"The armed gangs can come back to attack us here, at any time," said the
commander of one unit, cradling a Galil assault rifle in his lap. "We're just
trying to be ready when it comes."

Staff writer Glenn Kessler in Washington contributed to this report.


8. Democracy supersedes Aristide, Letter to Editor by Myles Duffy, Christian
Science Monitor, February 6, 2004

Regarding your Feb. 2 editorial "A US Hands-Off in Haiti": President Aristide
does face a very vocal opposition, whose protests have grown in recent months
to a fevered pitch.

It's worthy of note that the opposition has refused to participate in
elections. Since the US in turn refuses to recognize elections without the
participation of the opposition, this has left the nominal president of Haiti quite
powerless.

Those who disagree with Aristide's policies and even his leadership style
ought to consider the importance of a democratic and constitutional transition of
power. Many in the opposition have called for a coup to replace Aristide.
This would certainly jeopardize Haiti's nascent democracy and invite a return to
the rightist dictatorships that have ruled Haiti for most of the past century.

Myles Duffy
Washington

9. IMAGES

To see photos from the February 7th pro-government rallies and march, click
on the link below. Any press who would like copies of these, please contact
mkarshan [at] aol.com These photos were NOT taken by me so please do not credit me.
When the page opens, click on the orange button to view the slideshow
http://www.shutterfly.com/osi.jsp?i=67b0de21b3454cd4847d

Huge crowds demonstrate their support for their government while former
soldiers and others terrorize the city of Gonaïves. More photographs taken on
February 7th:
http://www.maehaitiinfo.org/alb7fec04.html

At http://www.haitiaction.net/Media/PhotoG/PaP/index.htm there's a gallery of
images showing the massive pro- Aristide march on February 7, 2004

10. Websites from the Government of Haiti:
National Palace http://www.palaisnational.info
L'Union Newspaper http://journallunion.com/
Ministry of Foreign Affairs http://www.maehaitiinfo.org/
Haiti's Embassy to US http://www.haiti.org
Haiti's National Television (watch the daily news!) http://www.tnhaiti.org/

11. Recent articles of interest on the web:

Opposition movements in Haiti threaten country's stability by Tim Collie,
South Florida Sun-Sentinel http://www.sun-sentinel.com

Haiti: Aristide regime shaken by mass protests by By Richard Dufour, Feb. 6,
2004, World Socialist Website
http://www.wsws.org/articles/2004/feb2004/hait-f06.shtml

La CIA déstabilise Haïti, Reseau Voltaire, Jan. 27, 2004
http://www.reseauvoltaire.net/article11918.html

Analysis by the Council on Hemispheric Affairs (COHA)
Unfair and Indecent Diplomacy: Washington's Vendetta against President
Aristide
http://coha.org/NEW_PRESS_RELEASES/New_Press_Releases_2004/04.03_Haiti_Aristid
e.htm

Haiti and the US Game by Tom Reeves, Z Magazine, March 27, 2003
http://www.zmag.org/content/showarticle.cfm?SectionID=2&ItemID=3337
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