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DESCRIPTION:10/24 SF Speakout:  Stop Ed Lee's Developer Privatization Grab Of Public 
 Land From CCSF\nPublic Land For Public Use & Not Speculators and 
 Banks\nDemand That SF PUC Vote NO On Transfer of City Owned Balboa 
 Reservoir To Developers\n\nTuesday, October 24, 2017\n\n1:30 P.M.\n\nSF 
 City Hall\n1 Dr. Carlton B. Goodlett Place City Hall, Room 400\nSan 
 Francisco, CA 94102\n\n\nSF City Mayor Ed Lee and his corporate controlled 
 PUC board is seeking a theft of public property next to CCSF Main Campus to 
 Lee’s property speculators. The plan is  for the  PUC board  to illegally 
 sell off 17 acres at a PUC Balboa Reservoir next to CCSF Ocean campus  to 
 speculators and developers. They also  have manipulated the rules to  
 prevent the students, faculty and staff from any hearings and role  on how 
 this sell off of public property would threaten parking and the viability 
 of CCSF as one of the large  working class community colleges in the 
 country. This will flood the streets with more traffic and harm the ability 
 of working class students to attend since they will have no parking. It 
 also will hurt the Creative Arts Center which was voted on by the people in 
 SF  and supposed to be built years ago but stopped by the privatizers who 
 have taken control of the college.\nEd Lee and the capitalist speculators 
 and bankers who really run San Francisco supported putting the college in 
 trusteeship so that they could privatize and destroy the college. They sold 
 off the Gough site and want to downsize the college to profit the 
 speculators who want the property. Lee has also refused to release the full 
 amount of money that was passed in a parcel tax sold as helping CCSF. 
 Instead of hiring hundreds of new professors they are increasing class 
 sizes and selling off the land of the university.\nUnfortunately as well,   
 the leadership of AFT 2121 and SEIU 1021 still refuse to oppose the 
 privatization and have opposed any mobilization by the college union 
 membership  & the San Francisco Labor Council to oppose the sell off of 
 public land to Mayor Ed Lee’s developers.  The war on working people  and 
 public education and services is also being pushed by the so called  “SF 
 Housing Action Coalition who are really shills for the  property 
 speculators and banks who really run  San Francisco through corrupt  Mayor 
 Ed Lee with the connivance of most of the  Board of Supervisors.\nThis 
 attack on CCSF is part  and parcel of the ongoing destruction of public 
 education in California. Governor Brown has appointed privatizers to the 
 Community College Board of Governors, the CSU Board of Trustees and UC 
 Board of Regents. These billionaires and millionaires have an  agenda is to 
 bust the unions and implement programs like the “Student Success Task 
 Force” and “Guided Pathways” to downsize and corporatize the 
 California public college system. Again the AFT/CTA/SEIU   along  with  
 other education unions have refused to launch any united  political 
 education campaign against privatization and corporatization  of public 
 education in California.\nIt is time to fight back against privatization 
 and stopping this sale of public property that should go to CCSF for it’s 
 use would be an important victory.\n\nUnited Public Workers For 
 Action\nwww.upwa.info\n10/21/17\n\n\n\n\nAFT 2121 Part-timer’s Committee 
 Resolution on the Public Utilities Commission Section of the Reservoir 
 passed on October 19, 12017\n\n \nWhereas, there are plans for turning the 
 Public Utilities Commission section of the reservoir that is located next 
 to the CCSF Ocean Campus into a private housing development,\n\n \nWhereas, 
 the proposed housing to be built on public land will be unaffordable to 
 most, if not all, students,\n\n \nWhereas, this land is currently used as a 
 much needed parking lot by CCSF students,\n\n \nResolve, we call on AFT 
 2121 to oppose this housing plan and demand that this public property be 
 turned over to CCSF for its use,\n\n \nResolve, we call on AFT 2121 to 
 encourage other unions and the San Francisco Labor Council to pass a 
 resolution opposing the housing plan and in favor of turning over this 
 public property to CCSF.\n\n\n\n\n\nFrom AFT 2121 member Rick Baum\n1.  
 CCSF is now a much smaller college and efforts are being made to keep it 
 that way. Enrollment has recently gone up as a result of the Free City 
 Program.  However, the desire to make sure CCSF remains a smaller college 
 is reflected in Mayor Lee's success at not fully funding the free city 
 program, and in discouraging actions by the administration to punish 
 students who benefit from the program by requiring that they pay the full 
 tuition if they drop their classes after the second week of school.  See 
 "What if I drop my course?" under frequently asked questions at 
 https://www.ccsf.edu/ccsf/en/student-services/freecity/faq  \nI assume this 
 remains the college's policy though it may not be enforced this 
 term.\n\nAdditionally, despite the increasing enrollment,  the number of 
 scheduled classes is not increasing as much.  For the fall term, many 
 classes filled early.  I assume many students felt discouraged from adding 
 their names to waitlists, and may have not even bothered to enroll.  Other 
 potential students trying to enroll could have ended up being angered to 
 read on the college's homepage pictures with "Free Tuition.  Because we 
 believe in Access and Opportunity" or "Free Tuition.  Walls torn Down" only 
 to later discover that if they don't live in SF, there is no free 
 tuition.\n\nFurthermore, as a result of class cuts, most classes are larger 
 meaning they will usually provide students with an inferior educational 
 experience.  The larger classes result in more work for faculty in addition 
 to the increased work resulting from SLOs and other demands.  \n\n2.  There 
 are no strong signs coming from the administration that they will demand 
 the PUC section of the reservoir be turned over to the college.  The 
 planned housing on that land will reduce CCSF's enrollment unless 
 comparable user friendly parking is made available which is highly 
 unlikely.  The planned housing project, if built,  will create an obstacle 
 to future expansion of the college and will presumably gravely interfere 
 with the building of the Performing Arts Center.\n\n3.  The new chancellor 
 strikes me as embodying the politics of a neo-liberal--express social 
 beliefs of a liberal, but implement "conservative, pro-corporate" policies. 
  On social issues such as expressing sympathy for the victims of natural 
 disaster, support for the rights of the undocumented and calling for the 
 upholding of the rights of the LBGTQ community, etc. he says what we all 
 want to hear.  \n\nThe problem is the policies he appears to be enacting.  
 He has largely kept in place most of the "wrecking crew"  and their 
 policies imposed on the college.  Again,  I understand him to be a big 
 proponent of Guided Pathways, the latest version of a corporate agenda for 
 higher education.  Aside from the number of classes to be scheduled, what 
 will be telling will be the administration's Sunshine Document, i,e, 
 proposals for the upcoming contract negotiations. \n\n\n\n\nTuesday, 
 October 24, 2017\n\n1:30 P.M.\n1 Dr. Carlton B. Goodlett Place City Hall, 
 Room 400\nSan Francisco, CA 
 94102\n\nhttp://sfwater.org/modules/showdocument.aspx?documentid=11366\nSAN 
 FRANCISCO PUBLIC UTILITIES COMMISSION\n\nCity and County of San 
 Francisco\n\nEdwin M. Lee\n\nMAYOR\n\n\nApprove the terms and conditions 
 and authorize the General Manager to negotiate and execute an Exclusive 
 Negotiation Agreement (ENA) with Reservoir Community Partners, LLC, a 
 Delaware limited liability company representing a joint venture comprised 
 of AvalonBay Communities and Bridge Housing Corporation (collectively, 
 Developer), to develop mixed-income housing, parks and open space on 
 approximately 17 acres of property located at Ocean and Phelan Avenues in 
 San Francisco, commonly known as the Balboa Reservoir. The ENA states the 
 process and the terms and conditions upon which the City and County of San 
 Francisco and the Developer will negotiate and seek to complete a purchase 
 and sale agreement, quitclaim deed with reservation of certain easements, 
 development agreement, declaration of use restrictions, and such other 
 documents as are necessary to effectuate an approved development project 
 for the Balboa Reservoir, subject to further approval by the SFPUC. 
 (Carlin) \n\n\nORDER OF 
 BUSINESS\n\nCalltoOrder\n\nRollCall\n\nApprovaloftheMinutesofOctober10,2017\n\nGeneralPublicComment(discussiononly)\n\nMembers 
 of the public may address the Commission on matters that are within the 
 Commission’s jurisdiction and are not on today’s agenda.\n\n5. 
 Communications (discussion only) a) Advance Calendar\nb) Correspondence 
 Log\nc) ContractAdvertisementReport d) Annual Real Estate Update\n\ne) Dam 
 Safety Activities Update\nf) Declaration of Emergency: CS-1091(E) Tesla 
 Treatment Facility Flywheel\n\n   \nUPS\ng) WaterSupplyConditionsUpdate h) 
 WaterSupplyAgreementUpdate\n\nOtherCommissionBusiness\n\nReportoftheGeneralManager(discussiononly) 
 a) CleanPowerSF Update\n\nb)  Proposed Modifications to the Water Level of 
 Service\n\nGoals and Objectives\n\nc)  
 FederalEnergyRegulatoryCommissionRelicensingof\n\nDon Pedro Hydroelectric 
 Project and Licensing of La Grange\n\nHydroelectric Project\n\nd)  Policy 
 and Government Affairs Annual Update\n\ne)  Report on Recent SFPUC 
 Activities, Events, and 
 Announcements\n\nBayAreaWaterSupplyandConservationAgencyUpdate(discussiononly) 
 (Sandkulla)\n\nThe following matters before the San Francisco Public 
 Utilities Commission are recommended for action as stated by the General 
 Manager and City Attorney, where applicable. Explanatory documents provided 
 to the Commission in connection with this agenda are available for public 
 inspection and copying at the Office of the Commission Secretary, 525 
 Golden Gate Avenue, 13th Floor, San Francisco, CA 94102; Telephone: (415) 
 554-3165; Fax: (415) 554-3424; and are available on-line at 
 http://www.sfwater.org/index.aspx?page=167\n\nCONSENT CALENDAR\n\n9. All 
 matters listed hereunder constitute a Consent Calendar, are considered to 
 be routine by the San Francisco Public Utilities Commission, and will be 
 acted\n\n \n\nKeep Public Land in Public 
 Hands!\nhttp://saveccsf.org/2324-2/\nOctober 15, 2017website\n\n\nThe 
 proposed development plan for the Balboa Reservoir to build mostly 
 un-affordable housing with limited parking is being green-washed to gain 
 acceptance. The plan is not about sustainability. It eliminates parking 
 with no corresponding improvement of transit alternatives, thereby limiting 
 access for students who do not have other viable options.\nA resolution 
 declaring CCSF’s interest in entering into negotiations with the City and 
 County of San Francisco over the Balboa Reservoir will be put before the 
 CCSF Board of Trustees. CCSF Board of Trustees needs to fight for a San 
 Francisco that serves all of its students!\n\nA Teachers Union AFT 2121 
 Against Itself\n\nOrganized Labor and the Crisis at City College of San 
 Francisco\n\nhttps://monthlyreview.org/author/rickbaum/\nby Rick 
 Baum\n\nFor much of the past half-century, employer attacks, 
 deindustrialization, and declining membership have hobbled organized labor 
 in the United States. The weakened capacity of unions to protect members’ 
 jobs and improve their standard of living has hurt longer-term prospects 
 for labor rights and workers’ empowerment.\n\nTo this list of external 
 threats, however, must be added the failure of unions themselves to adhere 
 to democratic principles by involving members in developing and executing 
 goals and strategies. The increasingly opaque, top-down decision-making of 
 major union leadership discourages an active rank and file, especially when 
 these leaders fail to offer a vision worth fighting for. Worse still, union 
 “leaders” may even help to facilitate management’s goals. This 
 accommodation to management is not always obvious, given union leaders’ 
 pro-worker rhetoric and their historic ability, especially in the past, to 
 guarantee decent levels of pay and benefits for members. Today, however, 
 the best they are often able to accomplish is occasionally to mitigate the 
 most egregious management assaults on employee rights.\n\nThe experience of 
 the American Federation of Teachers (AFT) Local 2121 at City College of San 
 Francisco (CCSF) illustrates some of these problems. AFT 2121 has developed 
 a reputation as a relatively powerful, democratic, and transparent union, 
 successfully representing faculty in a city and state dominated by the 
 Democratic Party. In what follows, we will see that this is not the 
 case.\n\nIn July 2012, CCSF was harshly sanctioned and, a year later, 
 threatened with closure by its accrediting agency, the Accreditation 
 Commission for Community and Junior Colleges (ACCJC), initiating a crisis 
 that continues today. The college has been severely downsized, a painful 
 process that has exposed the weaknesses of AFT 2121, whose leaders have 
 accepted austerity measures and have failed to involve members in important 
 decisions about demands, goals, and strategy.\n\nThe Transformation of 
 Public Education\n\nThe crisis at CCSF can only be understood in the 
 context of the successive systematic changes that have reshaped public 
 education since the Second World War. Public universities and colleges grew 
 rapidly from the 1950s through the 1970s, the heyday of an expanding 
 Fordist capitalism that required more trained workers and managers. In the 
 decades since, deindustrialization and advances in computerization, 
 communication, and transportation have reduced those needs. These shifts 
 have been accompanied by the alteration or destruction of public goods and 
 institutions, including schools, to meet the needs of 
 capital.\n\nDeregulation and privatization have hastened a scramble for 
 newly commodified public resources. Public money is funneled into 
 for-profit colleges, and K–12 public school funds and facilities are 
 turned over to charter schools. Additionally, funds for public education 
 are used to administer high-stakes tests, which have spawned a lucrative 
 industry dominated by private testing firms.\n\nAt all levels of schooling, 
 the liberal-arts emphasis on critical thinking and civic engagement has 
 been superseded by an ideology of professional training, in which education 
 exists only to prepare students to “compete” effectively in a 
 globalized economy. In his 2014 State of the Union address, President Obama 
 expressed his ambition to connect “companies to community colleges that 
 can help design training to fill their specific needs.” While nominally 
 friendlier to public education, the Obama administration continued many of 
 the Bush administration’s corporate school “reform” initiatives, 
 supplanting the latter’s No Child Left Behind with its own Race to the 
 Top. Both pushed for more charter schools and standardized curricula, 
 reinforced by high-stakes testing.\n\nElements of Race to the Top were 
 extended to higher education, on the assumption that competition for 
 funding and prestige would motivate institutions to improve their 
 performance. The Obama administration favored a ranking system, using 
 data-driven indices such as graduation rates and alumni earnings to 
 determine if a college’s programs were successful. Lower-scoring schools 
 would receive less funding. The qualitative dimensions of a 
 “successful” education, such as creativity, community engagement, and 
 much more, have been cast aside.1\n\nThe rhetoric of achievement, choice, 
 and competition often obscures the long-range goals and motives of 
 higher-education “reformers.” Besides the alleged aim of providing 
 students with job-related skills, these include: (1) lowering labor costs 
 by weakening or even eliminating teacher unions and tenure rights, while 
 relying more on poorly paid, easily replaceable adjunct instructors; (2) 
 standardizing education by employing Student Learning Outcomes (SLOs) to 
 evaluate students and teachers; (3) applying “successful” management 
 techniques by running schools like a businesses, with top-down 
 authoritarian decision-making; and (4) cutting the cost and size of 
 physical facilities by requiring students to quickly choose and complete 
 programs by attending full-time and encouraging enrollment in online 
 classes, in order to further reduce the need for teachers.2\n\nAdvocates of 
 “reform” claim that these measures will help contain costs while 
 raising standards in higher education. Online classes taught by academic 
 “superstars” will provide cheap, “first-class” instruction, while 
 the role of the remaining faculty will be to hold discussions, answer 
 students’ questions, and grade papers and tests—when these tasks are 
 not automatically done online. The resulting degradation of faculty jobs 
 will thus justify lower pay and weakened job security.\n\nContradictory 
 forces are at work in all of this. The public is told that a college 
 education is vital to professional success. However, much of the recent 
 growth in the U.S. labor market has been in sectors that do not require 
 college degrees—typically in the form of low-wage, part-time service 
 jobs.3 Some politicians and business leaders thus see any significant 
 expansion of higher education as a low priority and even believe that some 
 colleges will need to be downsized or closed. However, this attitude 
 conflicts with the interests of the powerful student loan industry, which 
 predictably favors efforts to increase college attendance. Meanwhile, other 
 businesses benefit from a larger pool of students with desirable skills, 
 which results in glutted labor markets that enable businesses to pay lower 
 wages and salaries.4\n\nThe Embrace of Pro-Business Reforms\n\nIn early 
 2012, the State Chancellor’s Student Success Task Force (SSTF) provided a 
 blueprint for transforming community colleges to “grow our economy” and 
 meet “the demands of California’s evolving workplace,” that is, 
 better serve business. Success would be measured by criteria such as the 
 percentage of students earning a certificate or degree, or by the number 
 who transfer to a four-year college. A preference was for students to 
 attend full-time, something many cannot do.\n\nThe SSTF authors drew a 
 connection to President Obama’s goals, linking their efforts to his 2010 
 “Call to Action,” which “highlighted the community colleges as the 
 key to closing our nation’s [supposed] skills gap.”5 The ACCJC, perhaps 
 improperly, lobbied in favor of the SSTF recommendations. Effective 
 opposition to some of the recommendations was provided by leaders at CCSF 
 before the ACCJC sanctioned the college. Like others, San Francisco’s 
 City Attorney Dennis Herrera, who later brought a case against the ACCJC, 
 viewed its actions against CCSF as retaliation for opposing the 
 SSTF.6\n\nCCSF’s Response to Recession\n\nAll of these themes can be seen 
 in the accreditation controversy at CCSF. In the years after the financial 
 crisis of 2008–09, educational institutions across the country were 
 starved of funds. From 2007 to 2012, when demand was soaring, 
 California’s community colleges faced cuts of $1.5 billion, while an 
 estimated “500,000 students were shut out of the system.”7 However, 
 CCSF Chancellor Don Griffin did not respond to the budget crisis by 
 significantly reducing class offerings and laying-off employees, as might 
 be expected. Griffin and other college administrators instead sought to 
 limit cuts by drawing on the college’s reserves, deferring facilities 
 maintenance, and not replacing administrators who had recently left. As a 
 result, CCSF’s student population dropped by less than 10 percent from 
 2008 to 2011–12, while other urban districts in the state experienced 
 much steeper declines. In Los Angeles, community college enrollment dropped 
 by 15.5 percent, or over 42,000 students. In San Diego, the figure was 
 almost 20 percent. Until 2012, CCSF’s student population remained 
 comparatively stable.8\n\nGriffin’s “unorthodox” response to the 
 budget pressures was presumably frowned upon by accrediting authorities. 
 When the ACCJC sanctioned CCSF in July 2012, it demanded the hiring of more 
 administrators. It also falsely claimed that the college was on the verge 
 of insolvency, despite that fact that from 2009–14, CCSF had consistently 
 maintained an annual budget surplus greater than that required by state 
 law. Health problems forced Griffin to retire shortly before the ACCJC 
 sanction. His interim replacement as chancellor, an outsider with no 
 connection to the college, supported the ACCJC’s mandates, and acted to 
 implement dramatic changes to counter what she described as CCSF’s 
 institutional inflexibility and excessive spending.\n\nHow did a community 
 college that managed to serve and retain most of its student population and 
 remain fiscally sound amid a painful recession and a budget crisis—no 
 small feat in the second-most expensive city in the United States—become 
 a target of such condemnation by accrediting authorities? The answer 
 involves a disastrous collision of corporate education reform, 
 administrative arrogance, and timid, undemocratic union leadership.\n\nThe 
 Accreditation Crisis\n\nThe U.S. Department of Education (DOE) guidelines 
 state that “the goal of accreditation is to ensure that the education 
 provided meets acceptable levels of quality.”9 In 2012, the ACCJC 
 visiting team “confirmed” that CCSF “provides comprehensive and 
 accessible student services” and “concluded that the instructional 
 programs…provide high-quality instruction,” indicating that CCSF 
 exceeded the DOE’s goal of accreditation, and was fulfilling a 
 college’s fundamental purpose of educating and serving students.10 Yet 
 the ACCJC sanctioned CCSF by placing it on “show cause,” its harshest 
 sanction short of closure that requires the college to prove to the agency 
 why it should remain open.\n\nMany of the teachers, staff, and students 
 were shocked. The college had never before been sanctioned.11 There was 
 worse to come: in 2013, the ACCJC decreed that CCSF should be closed within 
 a year, although it did hold open the possibility that it could remain open 
 beyond that date.12 The day after the release of ACCJC’s closure letter, 
 the college’s interim chancellor sent out an email informing students 
 that the commission had “decided to terminate” CCSF’s accreditation 
 “effective July 31, 2014.” She failed to mention the ACCJC statement 
 that the college might remain open beyond then. Unsurprisingly, that school 
 year enrollment declined over 10 percent, and a record number of students 
 finished their program and graduated.13The closure threat might not have 
 been real, but it was taken seriously, and used by the administration to 
 justify CCSF’s transformation and downsizing, which have reduced the 
 educational opportunities for CCSF’s students, who are predominantly 
 working-class people of color.\n\nState Takeover\n\nImmediately after the 
 closure decision, State Chancellor Brice Harris, a former ACCJC 
 commissioner, altered rules to enable a state takeover of CCSF. Retired 
 Santa Rosa Junior College president Robert Agrella was hired to replace the 
 college’s democratically elected board of trustees, and was given the 
 superhero title of Special Trustee with Extraordinary Powers. In a jointly 
 authored statement, Harris and San Francisco Mayor Ed Lee wrote that “a 
 stronger hand” was needed to address the college’s alleged deficiencies 
 if it was to remain open.\n\nAgrella promptly moved to impose austerity. 
 Claiming that in 2012 the college had spent 92 percent of its budget on 
 salaries, benefits, and pensions, he said that this figure would have to be 
 slashed to around 80 percent.14 Agrella soon hired a permanent chancellor, 
 Art Tyler, who had earned a PhD from the for-profit giant University of 
 Phoenix, and had previously worked as an “anti-terrorism manager” for 
 the Air Force.15 Most alarmingly, Tyler had also served as the special 
 trustee at Compton College (whose student population was 95 percent black 
 or Latino) when it was shut down by the ACCJC for his failure to fix the 
 school’s finances.16\n\nAfter a year and a half, Agrella abruptly 
 resigned without explanation. In the summer of 2015, Harris, along with 
 Agrella’s replacement, demoted Tyler without explanation, and hired still 
 another chancellor, the fourth since shortly before the accreditation 
 crisis began. About six months later, Tyler resigned in the wake of a 
 damning San Francisco Chronicle report that he had spent about a third of 
 his time as chancellor travelling, in the process incurring more than 
 $300,000 in undocumented expenses all on the college’s dime, according to 
 the president of the college’s Board of Trustees.17\n\nSuch dysfunction 
 has taken a severe toll on students and teachers. Enrollment at CCSF has 
 dropped by more than a quarter, from 90,352 students in 2011–12 to 65,867 
 in 2015–2016.18 In the same period, by comparison, statewide community 
 college enrollment declined by less than 4 percent. The number of full-time 
 faculty has also declined, from 810 in the fall of 2011 to 618 by the fall 
 2015 term, while the number of part-time faculty has decreased by 17 
 percent. Meanwhile, five more highly-paid administrators have been hired, 
 bringing their total number to forty-five. Their average salary in 2015 
 reached $154,756, more than $13,000 above the state average, while the 
 average salary for full-time faculty was $81,234, more than $11,000 below 
 the state average. Programs for “lifelong learners”—that is, students 
 not pursuing immediate job training—are now treated as wasteful, as 
 reflected in the college’s revised mission statement, changed after the 
 crisis began. It stipulates that these programs will continue only if 
 “resources allow” for their funding—in effect, an excuse for cutting 
 them altogether.19 Additionally, the administration is seeking to turn over 
 college property to private developers.20\n\nBacklash against the 
 ACCJC\n\nFollowing the ACCJC’s closure announcement in 2013, a 
 then-independent group called the Coalition to Save CCSF organized the 
 largest demonstration to date in front of the San Francisco offices of the 
 DOE. City politicians who previously had accepted the ACCJC decisions now 
 denounced it.\n\nThis popular and political backlash soon prompted several 
 important actions against the ACCJC. California’s state legislature, with 
 bipartisan support, voted to audit the commission. (The resulting report, 
 released in June 2014, found the ACCJC to be “inconsistent in applying 
 its accreditation process” and insufficiently transparent in its 
 deliberations.21 The DOE likewise found the ACCJC out of compliance with 
 accreditation rules, and required it “to take immediate steps” to come 
 into compliance.)22 In addition, the San Francisco’s City Attorney’s 
 office won a court-ordered injunction to stop the closure of CCSF, with a 
 municipal judge later ruling that the ACCJC had engaged in “significant 
 unlawful practices”—while nevertheless stopping short of reversing the 
 closure decree.23\n\nIn 2014, under pressure from politicians, the ACCJC 
 granted CCSF more time to correct its alleged deficiencies, under a new 
 policy called “restoration status,” which would give the college until 
 January 2017 to fully comply with the ACCJC’s demands—as interpreted by 
 the ACCJC—or face closure without any right to appeal.\n\nIn August 2015, 
 a state chancellor’s task force found that the ACCJC “no longer meets 
 the current and anticipated needs of the California Community Colleges” 
 and should be replaced because “its member institutions have lost 
 confidence in” it.24 However, State Chancellor Harris stated replacing 
 the ACCJC could take up to ten years.25 Unfortunately, were the ACCJC 
 replaced, there is no guarantee that its successor would be much 
 different.\n\nThe Union’s Response\n\nSaving CCSF would require a fight 
 that mobilized people not only against the ACCJC, but also others including 
 the college administration and state government. Standing behind these 
 state bodies were private foundations, businesses, and the DOE. Yet, since 
 the announcement of the ACCJC’s ultimatum, AFT 2121 leaders and the 
 California Federation of Teachers (CFT) have focused primarily on doing 
 battle only with the commission, while largely ignoring the state 
 chancellor and the CCSF administration, despite their dedication to a 
 corporate “reform” agenda. Union leaders have done little to mobilize 
 people, to make demands, and to confront those in power. Their approach has 
 instead been to call on Democratic politicians, the courts, and other 
 government bodies to help solve the crisis.\n\nCFT President Josh Pechthalt 
 declared his faith in this approach: in an April 2014 Chronicle column, he 
 wrote that “we believe the courts and the legislative process will right 
 the wrong done to City College.”26 Strangely, at almost the same time, 
 Pechthalt contradicted himself, admitting in the April–May 2014 issue of 
 California Teacher that “we know that relying on politicians or the 
 courts is futile.” But despite these mixed messages, the union’s 
 actions have been consistently guided by the belief that justice can be 
 achieved through state institutions.\n\nThe approach to almost solely focus 
 on the ACCJC, like all major decisions within AFT 2121, was formulated by 
 the leadership. Members have rarely been invited to discuss strategy or 
 assess past decisions. At meetings, open debates involving all attendees 
 are discouraged in favor of the division of members into subgroups to 
 discuss the one issue raised and later to report back to all attendees. It 
 is hardly surprising, then, that despite the enormity of the crisis, union 
 meetings usually attracted only about thirty out of 1,100 members.\n\nWhen 
 the accreditation crisis began in 2012, the entire CCSF community was 
 caught off-guard. Many were intimidated by the power of the accreditors, 
 and AFT 2121 feared retaliation if it stood up to the ACCJC, believing that 
 doing so could risk the closure of the college, for which the union would 
 be blamed. Rather than challenge the accreditors directly, early efforts 
 were put into raising more revenue for the college. Statewide and local 
 funding propositions appeared on the November 2012 ballot, and both passed 
 handily, despite the slew of damning news stories about CCSF.\n\nThe 
 interim chancellor, however, dismissed these victories, insisting that the 
 propositions’ “passage does not mitigate the need for continued fiscal 
 and structural reform…required by the Accrediting Commission.” And 
 though the local revenue proposition explicitly had sought to prevent 
 layoffs and maintain student support services, the administration laid off 
 more than sixty employees, including all part-time counselors, and imposed 
 a 9 percent pay cut on the remaining faculty. The response of AFT 2121’s 
 leadership was to file an unfair labor practices complaint that would later 
 be dropped during negotiations for a new contract. The lack of greater 
 resistance at this early stage of the crisis sent a clear message to the 
 administration that it could bully the faculty union.\n\nMuch of the 
 college’s state funding depends on student enrollment. AFT 2121’s 
 president recognized that the rapid decline in enrollment put the college 
 at risk of losing more than $20 million, which would cause further cuts to 
 classes and faculty jobs. Nevertheless, she rejected a request that she 
 call on CFT leaders to help find sympathetic state legislators to sponsor a 
 bill that would provide CCSF with more funding. She claimed this was not 
 the right time, because the college had first to build a “public record 
 of CCSF’s importance to the community”—even though the community had 
 recently overwhelmingly voted in favor of raising taxes to support the 
 college. This funding request was never discussed at a union meeting.\n\nIn 
 April 2013, out of the blue, the CFT filed an official DOE complaint 
 against the accrediting commission.27 While this move represented a welcome 
 reversal from the union’s earlier passive approach to the ACCJC, only a 
 small group of AFT 2121 members were informed before the complaint was 
 filed. In a democratic union, members would be given a say over such a 
 major decision, even if most would have supported it. Soon thereafter, 
 possibly in retaliation, the ACCJC issued its decision to close the 
 college.\n\nThe public would later learn that prior to the closure 
 decision, CCSF’s two top administrators held a secret meeting with the 
 ACCJC. According to ACCJC commissioners, they both described a college in 
 disarray with an intimidating environment that resisted implementing 
 changes demanded by the ACCJC. Their statements were cited by ACCJC 
 Commissioners as a major reason for their closure decision.28\n\nWhat Went 
 Wrong?\n\nToo frequently, union leaders put forth vague or undefined 
 demands. The “demand” concerning accreditation and during recent 
 contract negotiations is that they be “fair.” After the state takeover, 
 the AFT 2121 leadership organized a rally in front of San Francisco’s 
 City Hall to call on Mayor Lee, who had recently helped the state 
 chancellor orchestrate the state takeover, to “Protect Our City 
 College.” The “demand” was that the mayor “preserve all the 
 opportunities” that CCSF provides, something he could say he was already 
 doing.\n\nThis was hardly the end of the AFT 2121 leadership’s 
 shortcomings. At key moments, they appeared all too ready to acquiesce to 
 the austerity measures imposed by the administration. In late 2013, 
 negotiations for a new faculty contract were concluded, and union leaders 
 convinced the faculty to vote for its approval, even though the “raise” 
 included in the new contract provided for nominal pay that was still 3.5 
 percent lower than in 2007.\n\nAround the same time, the special trustee 
 decided to grant top administrators a double-digit pay raise.29 The union 
 leadership called for this decision to be reversed, prompting CCSF 
 Chancellor Tyler claim in a letter that he and other administrators 
 “didn’t…come for the money,” and accused the union president of 
 distorting “the truth,” and sowing “divisiveness.”30This was 
 apparently enough to silence the union leadership: no sustained campaign, 
 protest, or action was organized in response.\n\nWithin the organization 
 itself, AFT 2121 leaders were often uncommunicative and opaque. Members 
 were routinely informed that the union’s staff and officers were hard at 
 work, but were given only a vague idea of the union’s goals and strategy, 
 usually learning about decisions after the fact. In October 2014, for 
 instance, AFT 2121’s executive board held a meeting with AFT president 
 Randi Weingarten. Faculty were not invited to participate. The board 
 announced afterward that Weingarten had “made a commitment” to “do 
 what was necessary to keep City College open…and to rein in the rogue 
 ACCJC,” and that she, together with AFT 2121 and CFT leaders, also held a 
 “productive” meeting with House Minority Leader Nancy Pelosi concerning 
 the ACCJC. However, no details were provided, and once again, no input was 
 sought from teachers, students, or community members.\n\nLikewise, in the 
 spring 2016 elections for new union officers, all candidates ran unopposed 
 as a single slate, and there were no campaign statements, debates, or 
 discussions. Even the vote counts for each candidate remained secret until 
 a motion was passed to release them—over the objections of many union 
 leaders. When the figures were finally released, it was revealed that less 
 than 30 percent of union members had turned out to vote—a further symptom 
 of the disconnect between leaders and the union’s rank and file.31\n\nA 
 further shortcoming was the failure to openly discuss important issues. In 
 fall 2015, CCSF’s administration announced their plans to reduce the 
 number of scheduled classes by 25 percent over the next five years. Many 
 jobs would be eliminated, and, with fewer dues-paying members, the union 
 would be further weakened. Yet at the next two union meetings, despite a 
 request, the cuts were not discussed. The leadership publicly condemned the 
 proposed cuts, but failed to put forward any plans to fight them. The 
 president asserted that the planned class cuts were decided by the 
 administration and therefore could not be considered during the 
 negotiations then taking place, despite the fact that the 
 administration’s pay offer was to be partly funded through reductions in 
 classes.32\n\nIn spring 2015, negotiations began for a new faculty 
 contract. A tentative agreement was not reached until more than a year 
 later, in July 2016. The administration seemingly sought to delay and 
 prolong the process at every turn, taking months before proposing a nominal 
 pay increase barely above the 2007 level—and even this was undercut by 
 their subsequent announcement that faculty would be expected to soon return 
 to their supposed earlier “productivity rate” by teaching classes with 
 over 40 percent more students. During negotiations, AFT 2121 leaders began 
 preparing for a strike, but never organized a meeting for all members to 
 discuss and plan the action.\n\nFinally, in early 2016, with slightly more 
 than half the faculty participating and 92 percent voting in favor, the 
 leadership was formally authorized to make decisions regarding a strike. An 
 unfair labor practices complaint was filed, and the call went out for a 
 one-day strike to protest the administration’s untenable contract 
 proposals. Just two days before the planned strike, the chancellor 
 announced the college would be closed on the day of the action. The action 
 went ahead as planned. More than a thousand people turned out to join the 
 picket lines and rally.33 However, at a college with more than 1,500 
 faculty members and 60,000 students, the turnout could have been far 
 larger.\n\nThe modest numbers reflected the union leaders’ lack of 
 interest in mobilizing people to confront the administration directly. 
 Months before the strike, a small group of faculty had independently 
 organized several pickets during the contract negotiations, to voice their 
 opposition to the administration’s tactics. The union president expressed 
 his support for the pickets, but made no effort to publicize them, 
 encourage other members to participate, or otherwise build on their 
 momentum.\n\nAFT 2121 leaders showed a curious indifference to mobilization 
 even when organizing their own actions: in January 2016, union officers 
 called for a picket and boycott of an address given by the college 
 chancellor, but did not promote their plan until just before it was to 
 happen, practically ensuring that it would be sparsely attended.\n\nA 
 Contract with Austerity\n\nAfter so many months of struggle, the contract 
 agreement finally reached in July 2016 left the purchasing power of faculty 
 pay much below where it stood in 2007, and made no provision against loss 
 of jobs from planned class reductions. Nevertheless, union leaders hailed 
 the agreement as a “victory.”34 The union president offered assurances 
 that most members would see “at least a 14 percent [pay] increase” by 
 the end of the third year of the contract.\n\nHowever, according to the 
 union, a pay increase of 25 percent as of August 2015 would have been 
 necessary to restore the purchasing power of faculty pay to 2007 levels.35 
 Inflation and, for many, increased pension and medical deductions will 
 further erode the real value of faculty salaries. Upon the contract’s 
 expiration, the agreement also allows pay decreases of 2.68 percent if the 
 downsizing administration fails to increase enrollment.36 Unsurprisingly, 
 shortly after members approved the contract, union leaders won approval of 
 a 19 percent increase in faculty union dues—obviously, in part, to make 
 up for the decline in revenue resulting from faculty layoffs.\n\nIn 
 presenting the proposed agreement, union leaders warned members that if 
 they rejected the contract, the administration would simply impose a worse 
 one, unless faculty went on strike to fight for something better. By that 
 point, few were inclined to risk a prolonged strike, led by unenthusiastic 
 union leaders, that might only provide the ACCJC with a further reason to 
 label CCSF “dysfunctional” and press for closure.\n\nPrior to signing 
 the tentative agreement, union leaders did not call for a membership 
 meeting to discuss its contents. Instead, a Special Delegates Assembly 
 meeting, open to all, was held to accept or reject the agreement. After the 
 union president touted the tentative contract as an “excellent 
 agreement” and said that the negotiators and all union leaders favored 
 it, opponents and supporters were given equal time to express their views. 
 Yet this uncommonly open debate had no impact. To no one’s surprise, the 
 delegates decided, with only one dissenting vote, to recommend approval. In 
 short order, with no meaningful alternative and the dubious enticement of a 
 “double-digit pay increase,” the faculty voted overwhelmingly in favor 
 of approval, 574 to 16—a turnout of less than 40 percent of all 
 faculty.\n\nLeaders Undercut Members’ Decision\n\nIn spring 2016, a group 
 of faculty and community members put together a comprehensive resolution 
 urging the ACCJC to immediately grant CCSF full accreditation.37 Its 
 purpose was to educate people about CCSF’s accreditation crisis, to 
 mobilize them to put pressure on the ACCJC, and to help undercut the 
 administration use of the crisis to further a corporate agenda. Endorsers 
 included the chancellor and Board of Trustees of the San Mateo County 
 Community College District, former CFT president Martin Hittelman, and the 
 San Francisco and San Mateo Labor Councils.\n\nAFT 2121’s Executive Board 
 decided not even to vote on the resolution before it was brought before a 
 membership meeting. As usual, few people—perhaps two dozen—were in 
 attendance when the resolution was taken up. After a debate, it was passed 
 by a large majority. Only four officers and a former one voted against 
 endorsement.\n\nThe resolution next was submitted to the 2016 convention of 
 the CFT. The committee assigned to process it was chaired by a former 
 president and current political director of AFT 2121 who had voted against 
 endorsement. The committee decided, without making a recommendation, to 
 have the Executive Council of the CFT, not the convention delegates, vote 
 on the resolution at its next meeting. When the committee decision was 
 brought before convention delegates, AFT 2121’s president advocated 
 support for the committee recommendation. When asked for an explanation for 
 why he did not advocate for his members’ endorsement decision, he wrote 
 “because of the need for flexibility in our strategy against the 
 ACCJC,” offering no description of this strategy.\n\nWhen the CFT 
 Executive Council met, AFT 2121’s president spoke against endorsement, 
 claiming, according to a CFT Executive Officer, that endorsement “was 
 not…helpful to the effort.” This officer later wrote that “the 
 resolution called for a particular action on a position that the CFT 
 already held.” Nevertheless, despite the resolution reflecting a position 
 the “CFT already held,” the executive council voted unanimously against 
 endorsement.\n\nThe CFT has primarily called for “fair” accreditation, 
 not that CCSF should be fully accredited. It is apparently relying on a 
 favorable court ruling in its case against the ACCJC started in 2013 that 
 has still not gone to trial. In the meantime, the ACCJC “restoration 
 status” decision that could be to close CCSF will be rendered in early 
 2017.\n\nOrganizing Faculty and Fighting Back\n\nThe leaders of AFT 2121 
 promoted a decidedly narrow vision of what the union could achieve: that is 
 of piecemeal reforms and stopgap measures, meant only to prevent management 
 from taking even more away from teachers. This fostered an attitude of 
 resignation and cynicism, made worse by the economic insecurity that 
 compels members to avoid risks and defer to leaders’ decisions.\n\nAt a 
 deeper level, teachers tend to accept the status quo for a variety of 
 reasons. Many faculty members see themselves as “professionals,” for 
 whom the union is more an impersonal service agency rather than a living 
 community or cause, while others seek to rise through the ranks and become 
 highly paid administrators, and tend to side with the latter, even against 
 their own interests. Some embrace the corporate “reform” agenda. At 
 CCSF, many worked to fulfill the “demands” of the ACCJC even though 
 their implementation was no guarantee that the ACCJC would grant CCSF full 
 accreditation. Still others are constrained by the lack of readily 
 available alternative forms of employment at comparable pay levels, 
 especially if they are older, disabled, or struggling financially. At the 
 opposite extreme, teachers with tenure, unlike the majority with insecure 
 and low-paid part-time jobs, enjoy job security and income that largely 
 insulates them from the worst effects of pay and benefit cuts. A final 
 reason, one too easily overlooked, is that their relentless workload leaves 
 many teachers simply too busy and exhausted to engage in union organizing, 
 which requires significant commitments of time and energy.\n\nAll of these 
 challenges point back to the need for effective union leadership. If 
 educators are to build real democratic structures to counter the ongoing 
 assault on public education, we need leaders who provide guidance, vision, 
 and accountability, and who are willing to give up their power to members. 
 To achieve real democracy in which each union member has an equal voice 
 over decisions, members must be organized and ready to challenge the 
 practices of both their own leadership and the institutional powers arrayed 
 against them. Were these conditions met, unions like the AFT 2121 would 
 become more powerful.\n\nWill greater union democracy enable members to 
 more effectively serve students, protect their jobs, and improve their 
 standard of living? That is unclear. Politics, as always, is complicated 
 and unpredictable. However, as the story of the crisis at CCSF shows, 
 failure to institute internal democracy leaves faculty in a far weaker 
 position from which to pursue those goals.\n\nPostscript\n\nOn Friday, 
 January 13, 2017, after this article was written, CCSF’s interim 
 chancellor informed the college’s community that the ACCJC had decided to 
 fully accredit the college. This was great news. However, there are no 
 signs that this hard-won victory marks the end of efforts to downsize the 
 college. The administration still plans to cut more classes. Recently, it 
 put forward plans, approved by the faculty union, to offer a “golden 
 handshake” that could result in a hundred full-time faculty—about a 
 sixth of the total—retiring this fall, while promising to replace only 
 fifty of these retirees over the next five years.\n\nNotes\n\n1.       
 ↩In a private meeting during the California Federation of Teachers March 
 2016 convention, AFT president Randi Weingarten described Obama’s 
 educational policies as “corporatist,” a word not used when she 
 addressed the entire convention.\n\n2.       ↩Martin Hittelman, “ACCJC 
 Gone Wild,” February 15, 2017, available at 
 http://accreditationwatch.com. Hittelman is a former president of the CFT. 
 See also Rick Baum, “California Democrats Starve Public Education,” 
 Counterpunch, September 17, 2015,http://counterpunch.org.\n\n3.       
 ↩U.S. Bureau of Labor Statistics, “Employment 
 Projections—2014–24,” news release, December 8, 2015, Table 6. 
 Occupations with the most job growth, 2014–24, http://bls.gov.\n\n4.      
  ↩Robert Reich, “College Degree Not the Only Route to Middle Class,” 
 SFGate, March 27, 2015, http://sfgate.com. Noting that college degree is no 
 longer any a guarantee of a well-paying job, Reich, labor secretary under 
 President Clinton, envisions “a world-class system of 
 vocational-technical education,” with community colleges playing a 
 leading role. “Businesses could be advising on the technical skills 
 they’ll need, and promising jobs to young people who complete their 
 degrees with good grades,” he writes. Such a system would not guarantee a 
 job upon graduation but only promise one to those with “good grades” 
 all students, but only  to those “with good grades”—a sign of the 
 inadequacy of meritocratic liberal reforms.\n\n5.       ↩California 
 Community Colleges Student Success Task Force, “Advancing Student Success 
 in the California Community Colleges,” January 17, 2012, 
 11,http://californiacommunitycolleges.cccco.edu.\n\n6.       ↩San 
 Francisco City Attorney’s Office, “Herrera Sues to Block Accreditors 
 from Shuttering City College of San Francisco,” news release, August 22, 
 2013, http://sfcityattorney.org.\n\n7.       ↩California Community 
 Colleges Chancellor’s Office, “2013–14 Key Facts for the California 
 Community Colleges System,” February 5, 2014; California Community 
 Colleges Chancellor’s Office, “California Community Colleges Board of 
 Governors Vote to Support Proposition 30, the School and Local Public 
 Safety Act,” news release, September 10, 2012, both available 
 athttp://californiacommunitycolleges.cccco.edu.\n\n8.       ↩A searchable 
 database of California community college enrollment statistics is available 
 at http://datamart.cccco.edu.\n\n9.       ↩“Accreditation in the United 
 States,” U.S. Department of Education, http://ed.gov.\n\n10.   
 ↩Accrediting Commission for Community and Junior Colleges [ACCJC], 
 “Evaluation Report: City College of San Francisco,” 2012, 37–38, 
 http://ccsf.edu.\n\n11.   ↩Two years later, the public would learn that 
 the ACCJC overruled its visiting team’s unanimous recommendation for a 
 milder sanction: see Lee Romney, “S.F. College Evaluators Proposed 
 Probation, Not More Severe Sanctions,” Los Angeles Times, August 22, 
 2014.\n\n12.   ↩Letter from ACCJC President Barbara A. Beno to CCSF 
 Interim Chancellor Thelma Scott-Skillman, July 3, 2013, 
 http://ccsf.edu.\n\n13.   ↩Laura Dudnick, “CCSF Sees Record High Number 
 of Graduates for 2013–14,” San Francisco Examiner, May 21, 2014.\n\n14. 
   ↩Jim Carlton and Caroline Porter, “One Man’s Mission to Save City 
 College of San Francisco,” Wall Street Journal, November 11, 2013.\n\n15. 
   ↩Untitled biography of Arthur Q. Tyler, January 2014, 
 http://ccsf.edu.\n\n16.   ↩For details on Tyler’s role, see California 
 Community Colleges Chancellor’s Office, “Chancellor Drummond Appoints 
 Special Trustee for Compton CCD Intervention Invoked to Restore 
 District’s Fiscal Health,” news release, December 22, 2009; Agenda for 
 the April 25, 2007 meeting of the California State Assembly Budget 
 Subcommittee No. 2 on Education Finance, http://abgt.assembly.gov; Letter 
 from ACCJC Chair Joseph Richey and President Barbara Breno to Compton 
 Community College Interim Superintendent-President Jamillah Moore, November 
 18, 2005, http://district.compton.edu.\n\n17.   ↩Nanette Asimov, “City 
 College of S.F. Splurges on Administrators’ Travel, Meals,” SFGate, 
 December 25, 2015; “City College of S.F. Exec Art Tyler Resigns amid 
 Controversy,” SFGate, January 7, 2016.\n\n18.   ↩Other factors causing 
 enrollment to decline include the demographic changes and affordable 
 housing crisis resulting from the city’s tech-industry boom, and a 
 confusing online registration system whose numerous navigation difficulties 
 discourage students from attending (one college trustee complained that it 
 took him over an hour to register for a single class).\n\n19.   
 ↩“Mission and Vision Statement,” City College of San Francisco, 
 http://ccsf.edu.\n\n20.   ↩Michael Barba, “CCSF to Consider Building 
 Educator Housing at Former Civic Center Campus,” San Francisco Examiner, 
 September 22, 2016; “CCSF Cuts $11.5 Million Deal with Developers as 
 Fiscal Cliff Looms,” San Francisco Examiner, October 19, 2016.\n\n21.   
 ↩California State Auditor’s Office, “California Community College 
 Accreditation,” June 2014,http://bsa.ca.gov. The report also found that 
 the ACCJC may have been overzealous in sanctioning colleges: “Between 
 2009 and 2013, the commission (ACCJC) took 269 accreditation actions…and 
 issued 143 sanctions, a sanction rate of roughly 53 percent. By comparison 
 the other six regional accreditors together had a sanction rate of just 
 over 12 percent.”\n\n22.   ↩Letter from U.S. Department of Education 
 Accreditation Group Director Kay W. Gilcher to ACCJC President Barbara A. 
 Beno, August 13, 2013.\n\n23.   ↩Superior Court of California–County of 
 San Francisco, Case No. CGC-13-533693, Statement of Decision, February 17, 
 2015.\n\n24.   ↩California Community Colleges Chancellor’s Office, 
 “Report of the California Community Colleges Chancellor’s Office Task 
 Force on Accreditation,” 
 2015,http://californiacommunitycolleges.cccco.edu.\n\n25.   ↩Ashley A. 
 Smith, “New or Improved?” Inside Higher Ed, March 8, 2016.\n\n26.   
 ↩Joshua Pechthalt, “Time to Rein in Accreditors’ Assault on City 
 College of S.F.,” SFGate, April 25, 2014.\n\n27.   ↩Third Party Comment 
 and Complaint of California Federation of Teachers et al. before the ACCJC, 
 April 30, 2013, available at http://cca4me.org.\n\n28.   ↩See excerpts 
 from the day-five testimony of ACCJC commissioners in the case brought 
 against the ACCJC by the San Francisco City Attorney in “The People vs. 
 ACCJC,” California Federation of Teachers, http://www.cft.org.\n\n29.   
 ↩Letter from AFT 2121 President Alissa Messer and Executive Director 
 Chris Hanzo to CCSF Board of Trustees, February 27, 2014, available at 
 http://aft2121.org.\n\n30.   ↩Letter from CCSF Chancellor Arthur Tyler to 
 AFT 2121 President Alisa Messer, February 27, 2014, available at 
 http://ccsf.edu. In what could only be seen as a provocation, Tyler’s 
 letter was posted on the college’s homepage.\n\n31.   ↩“AFT 2121 
 Leadership Election: Results Are In,” AFT Local 2121, March 12, 
 2016,http://aft2121.org.\n\n32.   ↩“Something to be thankful for: Union 
 power!? AFT 2121 CCSF Pres Says Union Can’t Strike Over 26%,” YouTube, 
 December 13, 2015, http://youtube.com. The president’s remarks begin 
 around 4:00.\n\n33.   ↩“AFT 2121 One-Day Strike for the City College 
 San Francisco Deserves,” AFT Local 2121, May 12, 2016, 
 http://aft2121.org.\n\n34.   ↩“CCSF Faculty Reach Tentative Contract 
 Agreement with CCSF District Administration,” AFT Local 2121, July 14, 
 2016, http://aft2121.org.\n\n35.   ↩“AFT 2121 Presentation on Cost of 
 Living in San Francisco,” available at http://aft2121.org.\n\n36.   
 ↩“CCSF Faculty Reach Tentative Contract Agreement.”\n\n37.   
 ↩“Resolution Calling on the ACCJC to Grant City College of San 
 Francisco Full Accreditation,” AFT Local 2121, September 2015, 
 http://aft2121.org.\n\n 
 https://www.indybay.org/newsitems/2017/10/22/18803812.php
SUMMARY:SF Speakout: Stop Ed Lee's Developer Privatization Grab Of Public Land From CCSF
LOCATION:SF City Hall\n1 Dr. Carlton B. Goodlett Place City Hall, Room 400\nSan 
 Francisco, CA 94102\n
URL:https://www.indybay.org/newsitems/2017/10/22/18803812.php
DTSTART:20171024T203000Z
DTEND:20171024T203000Z
END:VEVENT
END:VCALENDAR
